Wednesday, 31 December 2014
Google search and Google Books helped me write an essay and then Google Drive let me down
I just went to the UPS Store to print out an essay. When I checked Google Drive the final version was not there even though I uploaded it 6 hours ago, so I had to use last night's version. I had a very slim chance of winning with the final version but I am not holding my breath over last night's version. I will stick to sending messages to myself by email from now on. 
Extension of DeadlineThe 15th International Congress of the International Society for Ethnopharmacology (5-8May,2015, Petra, Jordan
Dear Colleague,,,
On behalf of the scientific and organizing committees of The 15th International Congress of the International Society for Ethnopharmacology which will be held on 5-8, May, 2015 in Petra, Jordan. It is our pleasure to invite you to participate in this congress organized by Al-Balqa Applied University in collaboration with the International Society for Ethnopharmacology.
The topics of the congress include different fields of research related to ethnopharmacology which aim to bring together researchers from all over the world with their recent achievements in ethnopharmacology and medicinal plant science, innovations and industry.
We are looking forward to seeing you in Petra, Jordan .
On behalf of the scientific and organizing committees of The 15th International Congress of the International Society for Ethnopharmacology which will be held on 5-8, May, 2015 in Petra, Jordan. It is our pleasure to invite you to participate in this congress organized by Al-Balqa Applied University in collaboration with the International Society for Ethnopharmacology.
The topics of the congress include different fields of research related to ethnopharmacology which aim to bring together researchers from all over the world with their recent achievements in ethnopharmacology and medicinal plant science, innovations and industry.
We are looking forward to seeing you in Petra, Jordan .
| Chairman | |
| Dr. Mohammad Sanad Abu-Darwish Dean of Shoubak University College | 
Tuesday, 30 December 2014
Traditional phytoremedies for the treatment of menstrual disorders in district Udhampur, J&K, India
Volume 160, 3 February 2015, Pages 202–210
Research Paper
Traditional phytoremedies for the treatment of menstrual disorders in district Udhampur, J&K, India
Abstract
Ethnopharmacological relevance
Herbal
 remedies form an integral part of healing and are considered to be the 
oldest forms of health care known to mankind. The present study aims to 
document traditional phytoremedies for the treatment of menstrual 
disorders in Udhampur district of J&K, India.
Material and methods
The
 informants were interviewed directly and information was gathered about
 plants used in different menstrual disorders. The data was further 
analyzed for use-value (UV), factor informant consensus (Fic) and fidelity level (Fl).
Results
In all, 62 informants were interviewed. Most of the informants (66%) were females. The patients prefer female healers over male vaids and hakims.
 A total of 50 plants were used to cure different menstrual disorders. 
Seeds were found to be of utmost medicinal importance (43.8%) followed 
by leaves (20.8%) and fruits (16.7%). Oral administration was observed 
to be the main mode (90.0%) of intake of medicine. The plants with high 
use-value were Triticum aestivum (UV=1.76), Taraxacum officinale (UV=1.16), Citrus limon (UV=0.95), Allium cepa (UV=0.79), Cicer arietinum (UV=0.77), Trigonella foenum-graecum (UV=0.66), Rubia manjith (UV=0.56), Ocimum tenuiflorum (UV=0.56) and Oryza sativa (UV=0.52). The various menstrual disorders were classified into 7 categories. The values of Fic
 varied between 0.96 (dysmenorrhea, itching and foul smell) and 0.92 
(menorrhagia). The 100% Fl value was scored by 20 plants. Leucorrhea 
reported the highest 5 plants with 100% Fl. Nearly 40% of the 
formulations had two or more plants.
Conclusion
Plants
 used for the treatment of different menstrual disorders were documented
 and analyzed for ethnogynecological problems. The study revealed some 
plants like Triticum aestivum, Rubia manjith, Dalbergia sissoo, Raphanus sativus, Citrus limon, Allium cepa, Trigonella foenum-graecum, Elettaria cardamomum etc. to be of great importance vis a vis
 menstrual disorders. Further pharmacological studies of these plants 
may provide some important drugs for the treatment of common menstrual 
disorders.
Keywords
- Ethnobotany;
- Ethnogynecological problems;
- Menstrual disorders;
- Phytoremedies;
- Traditional plant knowledge;
- Udhampur district
- Corresponding author.
Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Monday, 29 December 2014
Lancet editorial Consequences of a competitive research culture
Editorial
Consequences of a competitive research culture
What
 is high quality science? Rigorous, accurate, original, honest, and 
transparent were the words selected by scientists who took part in the 
UK Nuffield Council on Bioethics' project
 to assess the ethical consequences of the culture of research. The 
project surveyed 970 scientists and held several discussion events in 
the UK as well as meetings with funding bodies, publishers, editors.
Scientists
 reported that they were motivated to do research to make discoveries 
that benefit society and to improve their own knowledge and 
understanding. However, they raised concerns that their working 
environment did not support their goals and visions. Worryingly, for 
some, the culture of research in the UK was such that it even encouraged
 poor quality research practices, such as rushing to finish and publish 
research and employing less rigorous research methods. High levels of 
competition for funding and jobs and promotions were noted as driving 
factors for these behaviours.
The Research Excellence 
Framework (REF) results (to be released on Dec 18), which inform 
allocation of core funding to higher education institutes, were a key 
issue for those surveyed. Despite a change in format since the last such
 exercise (eg, REF assessment panels were instructed not to make any use
 of journal impact factors in assessing the quality of research 
outputs), REF still causes researchers much anxiety, and misperceptions 
and mistrust about the system exist. Scientists still think that 
publishing in high-impact journals is the most important element in 
determining funding, jobs, and promotions, along with article metrics 
such as citation numbers.
The Lancet Series on Research: increasing value, reducing waste
 also noted problems with reward systems—they incentivised quantity more
 than quality and novelty more than reliability. “Research rewards and 
integrity: improving systems to promote responsible research” is the 
theme of the 4th World Conference on Research Integrity
 (May 31–June 3) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 2015. Critical examination 
of rewards systems is warranted by all those involved in the research 
enterprise since existing approaches are putting immense pressure on 
scientists and could be damaging the very practice of science itself.
Saturday, 27 December 2014
Wednesday, 24 December 2014
NCCAM Clinical Digest. In This Issue -- Stress and Relaxation Techniques
NCCAM Clinical Digest. In This Issue -- Stress and Relaxation Techniques http://content.govdelivery.com/accounts/USNIHNCCAM/bulletins/e379f3#.VJq7KEDH70Q.twitter via @GovDelivery
Tuesday, 23 December 2014
Prunus africana (Hook.f.) Kalkman: The Overexploitation of a Medicinal Plant Species and Its Legal Context
J Altern Complement Med. Nov 1, 2014; 20(11): 810–822. 
PMCID: PMC4238240
Prunus africana (Hook.f.) Kalkman: The Overexploitation of a Medicinal Plant Species and Its Legal Context
Abstract
The
 linkage between herbal medicines and the sustainability of medical 
plants from which they are manufactured is increasingly being understood
 and receiving attention through international accords and trade 
labeling systems. However, little attention is paid to the fair trade 
aspects of this sector, including the issue of benefit-sharing 
agreements with traditional societies whose knowledge and resources are 
being exploited for commercial herbal medicine development and 
production.
This article examines the case of Prunus africana (Hook.f.) Kalkman, from equatorial Africa. While the conservation and cultivation dimension of the trade in P. africana
 has been much discussed in literature, no research appears to have 
focused on the traditional resource rights and related ethical 
dimensions of this trade in traditional medicine of Africa. Serving as a
 cautionary tale for the unbridled exploitation of medicinal plants, the
 history of P. africana extraction is considered here in the 
context of relevant treaties and agreements existing today. These 
include the Nagoya Protocol, a supplementary agreement to the Convention
 on Biological Diversity, the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual 
Property Rights agreement from the World Trade Organization, and two 
African regional frameworks: the Swakopmund Protocol and the 
Organisation Africaine de la Propriété Intellectuelle Initiative.
In
 the context of strengthening medicinal plant research in Africa, a 
novel international capacity-building project on traditional medicines 
for better public health in Africa will be discussed, illustrating how 
access and benefit sharing principles might be incorporated in future 
projects on traditional medicines.
Introduction
International interest in supporting
 and promoting the use of traditional, complementary and alternative 
medicine continually expands, adversely affecting biological resources.1
 The use of biological elements, including flora, fauna, and fungi, for 
local medicine has been well recorded and documented around the world.2,3
 The current value of traditional medicine and its associated trade is 
larger than it has ever been because of population growth, urbanization,
 and rural unemployment.3
 Commercial demand for traditional and alternative medicine has been 
linked to increasing urbanization, rural poverty, and lack of access to 
health care services in developing countries.3,4
 Simultaneously, a growing international market for standardized herbal 
products is adding to pressure on selected high-demand species.
While
 the linkages between herbal medicines and the sustainability of medical
 plants from which they are manufactured is being understood and 
receiving attention through international accords and trade labeling 
systems, little attention is paid to the fair trade aspects of this 
sector, including the issue of benefit sharing agreements with 
traditional societies whose knowledge and resources are being exploited 
for commercial herbal medicine development and production.5–10
 In this article, the term “sustainable” is used according to the 
definition of the Convention of Biological Diversity (1992), Article 2, 
which defines the term as “the use of components of biological diversity
 in a way and at a rate that does not lead to the long-term decline of 
biological diversity, thereby maintaining the potential to meet the 
needs and aspirations of present and future generations”.11
 The commercialization of medicinal plants needs to account for the 
limits of the resource to ensure the sustainable, that is to say the 
long-term and continued, harvesting of species.
To face 
the challenges associated with sustainable harvesting of medicinal 
species and the protection of human health, national and international 
policies have been created relating to safe and appropriate development 
of traditional medicine as well as preventing misuse of genetic 
resources and associated traditional knowledge in international markets.
 The African plant species Prunus africana (Hook.f.) Kalkman 
makes for an interesting and important historical case study. This is 
due to its popularity in the European pharmaceutical market, the lack of
 access and benefit sharing arrangements that have characterized its 
exploitation by European companies, and its susceptibility to 
overharvesting as a habitat-specific, slowly maturing and destructively 
harvested species.12,13
P. africana
 is a secondary forest canopy tree species that has been declining over 
much of its geographic range in sub-Saharan Africa. Farming, 
slash-and-burn agriculture, and habitat loss have long been primary 
causes of Afromontane deforestation, all of which threaten the survival 
of P. africana.14 However, the fundamental threat to the species P. africana
 has been large-scale unsustainable harvesting in Afromontane forests 
for international trade, resulting in ecologic damage of the environment
 in general.15,16 International attention on Prunus harvesting methods (Fig. 1) has been focused on Cameroon as nearly 70% of the world's supply comes mainly from the slopes of Mount Cameroon.14,17 The European pharmaceutical market has driven demand for the bark of P. africana, causing an equally devastating impact on Prunus stocks in other African countries.
The trade in P. africana
 bark extract for the treatment of benign prostatic hyperplasia (BPH) 
had led to a very lucrative international market worth approximately 
US$220 million in the late 1990s.17
 To satisfy this demand, over 3300 tons of bark were collected annually,
 leading to concerns of the long-term sustainability of harvesting and 
the conservation of the species.17 As a method of regulating trade and preventing destruction of wild populations, P. africana
 was included in Appendix II of the Convention on International Trade in
 Endangered Species (CITES) of Wild Flora and Fauna at the Ninth CITES 
Conference of the Parties in 1995.
P. africana has been discussed extensively in literature with reference to its plant ecology and genetic diversity,18–22 traditional uses,14,23,24 chemical constituents in relation to treating BPH,25–28 exploitation and conservation strategies14,17,29–36 and policy and regulation aspects of trade.15,37
 Despite the extensive literature, less attention was paid to the legal 
aspects of trade, which started in a legal vacuum in the early 1970s, 
until 1992, when the first international agreement on the conservation 
of nature, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), was signed. The
 ongoing global harvest of medicinal species for national and 
international markets was an important factor in developing legal 
frameworks that address ownership of traditional knowledge and access 
and benefit sharing principles.
Of importance to this article is how the overexploitation of P. africana
 has occurred in the absence of legally binding treaties, the historic 
neglect of customary ownership issues, the disregard for the rights of 
traditional knowledge holders, and the complicity of governments in 
allowing unsustainable trade, attributed by some commentators to endemic
 corruption within the concerned governments.38,39
When commercial harvesting of Prunus
 bark took place from the 1960s to the 1990s, no existing forestry laws,
 permits, or harvesting controls made reference to intellectual property
 rights, and over-exploitation occurred without just compensation for 
communities' traditional knowledge. Although legal conservation 
agreements are now established, no intellectual property rights 
agreements pertaining to the use of P. africana for BPH have 
been put in place. This stands as an important cautionary tale for the 
importance of a comprehensive regulatory and ethical framework to be in 
place for the exploitation of commercially viable species. Much has 
changed at the legal level since the commercialization of P. africana
 took place. To illustrate this, this article builds on a case study 
developed as part of an international project, the Multidisciplinary 
University Traditional Health Initiative (MUTHI), in which the current 
regulatory framework and training in ethnopharmacologic research aspects
 will be discussed as an example of strengthening plant research 
capacity in Africa.40
Ecology and Distribution
P. africana (synonym Pygeum africanum [Hook.f.]) belongs to the Rosaceae family. P. africana is a widespread evergreen tree, growing at an altitude of 1500–2000 m, usually 10–25
m, usually 10–25 m high with alternate leaves, a straight cylindrical trunk, a dense rounded crown, and small white or cream fragrant flowers. Prunus
 provides habitat and food for endemic birds; rare primates; insects; 
and nonvascular canopy epiphytes, such as orchids, ferns, and mosses.31 The single seed-bearing fruit is eaten and spread by local fauna over tropical and subtropical parts of Africa14,24,29,31,41 but is most abundant in Cameroon and Madagascar, where montane forests occupy large areas.42 Within the Prunus genus, P. africana and P. crassifolia (Hauman) Kalkm. are the only wild species occurring in Africa. Other known Prunus species are plums (P. domestica L.), cherries (P. avium L.), peaches (P. persica L.), almonds (P. dulcis [Mill.]), and apricots (P. armeniaca L.).14 All of them are commercially interesting species.
m high with alternate leaves, a straight cylindrical trunk, a dense rounded crown, and small white or cream fragrant flowers. Prunus
 provides habitat and food for endemic birds; rare primates; insects; 
and nonvascular canopy epiphytes, such as orchids, ferns, and mosses.31 The single seed-bearing fruit is eaten and spread by local fauna over tropical and subtropical parts of Africa14,24,29,31,41 but is most abundant in Cameroon and Madagascar, where montane forests occupy large areas.42 Within the Prunus genus, P. africana and P. crassifolia (Hauman) Kalkm. are the only wild species occurring in Africa. Other known Prunus species are plums (P. domestica L.), cherries (P. avium L.), peaches (P. persica L.), almonds (P. dulcis [Mill.]), and apricots (P. armeniaca L.).14 All of them are commercially interesting species.
Traditional Uses
Many publications refer to the medicinal value of P. africana
 to treat fevers, gonorrhea, stomach pain, chest pain, kidney disease, 
urinary symptoms, and malaria, as well as for arrow poison and as a 
purgative for cattle.23,42,43 Stewart24 illustrated many other ailments treated with Prunus in Uganda and described its anti-inflammatory and analgesic properties. P. africana is known by many different vernacular names throughout sub-Saharan Africa,24,44 which reveal interesting information on traditional uses. For example, in the Fulani language it is referred to as dalehi, meaning “plant that has many uses,” a correct assessment of P. africana, one of the most important tree species worldwide for subsistence and international trade.
Pharmacologic Research
In the mid-1960s, the bark of P. africana was discovered to have pharmacologic properties beneficial to the management of BPH and was patented for this purpose.45
 BPH, a noncancerous enlargement of the prostate that causes discomfort 
in older men, is present in more than 50% of men older than age 60 
years; 15%–30% of these men report lower urinary tract symptoms.46
 Symptoms of men with BPH include all or some of the following; weak 
urinary stream, urinary hesitancy, nocturia, incontinence, and recurrent
 urinary tract infections.47
 Because of high costs and adverse effects resulting from surgery and 
pharmacologic drugs, many patients use alternative phytotherapeutic 
treatments based on P. africana extracts (e.g., tadenan, bidrolar, and Pygenil).17,48,49
The effectiveness and safety of the bark extract in BPH treatment have been confirmed in multicenter trials50 and clinical trials46,51,52,53 and has been discussed in many systematic reviews.28,54,55,56 However, many scientists argue that no conclusions can be made that P. africana extracts prevent long-term complications from BPH.48,57,58
So
 far, few companies have taken up the challenge to conduct randomized, 
double-blind, placebo-controlled studies because of high costs that are 
difficult to recoup because natural products cannot be patented as 
inventions.48
 More research is needed, preferably on the African continent itself. 
Despite the absence of hard scientific evidence on the long-term aspect 
of phytotherapy in the treatment of BPH, P. africana and other therapeutic elements have been widely used since the 1970s, contributing to ongoing exploitation.
Exploitation
The discovery of the medicinal properties of Prunus
 bark initiated a decades' long harvest for international market needs, 
in which Cameroon supplied over half, followed by Madagascar, the 
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kenya, Uganda, and Equatorial 
Guinea.17,30
 In the early 1970s, Cameroon's traditional small-scale harvesting for 
medicinal purposes shifted to large-scale exploitation when Plantecam 
Medicam, a subsidiary of the French company Laboratoires Debat, obtained
 a monopoly for commercial exploitation and trade in P. africana bark and bark extract until 1986.14,15,37 From 1976 until 1996, Plantecam received yearly permits to exploit over 500 tons.15,34 Initially, Plantecam Medicam, the company founded by J. Debat, who patented P. africana
 for use in the treatment of BPH, established a harvesting system based 
on only partial debarking the trees. This was to prevent full debarking,
 which would lead to tree death. After 5 years, however, Cameroon's 
forestry department ended the company's monopoly. Subsequently, 50 new 
licenses were awarded to local organizations to harvest bark. The 
previous tight control over harvesting practices was thus lost. Multiple
 stakeholders harvested the bark and sold it to the companies concerned,
 who continued to buy Prunus bark, despite the rapid spread of destructive harvesting practices.
By 1993, a UNESCO report noted that: “Despite assurances from the two major companies involved in the harvest and processing of Prunus africana
 bark, considerable concern has been expressed by rural communities, 
traditional healers and government departments in East and Central 
Africa about the sustainability of this international trade.”14 Similar concern was also expressed by the Worldwide Fund for Nature and the International Council for Birdlife Preservation.
In 1994, there was an outbreak of illegal exploitation on Mount Cameroon, fueled by unauthorized buyers who had exhausted Prunus stocks in other parts of the country.17,59
 Buyers encouraged villagers to harvest for them, offering greater 
rewards than before, but substantially less than Plantecam offered legal
 suppliers. By 1995, Prunus harvesting was destructive and 
uncontrolled and had become a major source of cash income for local 
young men and their households.17,59
 Trees were felled or totally stripped by villagers to supply bark to 
illegal buyers, negatively affecting the surrounding ecosystem. Fashing41
 reported that 68% of the exploited trees were dead or experiencing 
canopy dieback. The large-scale bark exploitation caused severe damage 
to the P. africana population and led to concerns of the 
long-term sustainability of harvesting and conservation of this species.
 Since Plantecam's closure in 2000, companies such as AFRIMED, SGPA, and
 CEXPRO have taken over the exploitation and trade in P. africana in Cameroon.44Approximately 20 different European companies are involved in the production and sale of herbal preparations containing P. africana.17 The most important European companies that have worked with P. africana
 bark extracts for medicinal purposes are Laboratoires Debat (France) 
and its subsidiary Plantecam Medicam, Madaus (Germany and Spain), 
Prosynthese (France), and Inverni della Beffa and Indena Spa (Italy). 
The latter imports bark extract from Madagascar while the other European
 companies import processed or unprocessed bark from Cameroon, Kenya, 
Uganda, and the DRC.14
 Products are sold as tablets or capsules known by various names such as
 Tadenan by Laboratoires Debat and Pygenil by Indena Spa; as herbal teas
 to treat BPH; and as 1-day formulas containing a blend of vitamins, 
minerals, nutrients, and herbs, such as P. africana. The 
long-term sustainability of the species was of concern because of the 
sheer quantity of bark that was harvested yearly to supply the European 
market, valued at over 200,000,000 million in the late 1990s.17 Although the need for alternative sources of bark harvesting has been recommended,14,17 collection does still take place from wild populations of P. africana. Since the year 2000, bark from wild P. africana
 has been exported for commercial purposes from Burundi, the DRC, Congo,
 Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, Tanzania, Uganda, and 
South Africa. In Cameroon, mean bark yield has been estimated at 55 kg per tree with variations in yields of 38–73.8
kg per tree with variations in yields of 38–73.8 kg.14 From 1 ton dry weight (2 tons fresh weight of bark), 5
kg.14 From 1 ton dry weight (2 tons fresh weight of bark), 5 kg of extract are produced.17 A search selection in the CITES trade database showed that a total of 7,604,040
kg of extract are produced.17 A search selection in the CITES trade database showed that a total of 7,604,040 kg of P. africana
 bark (gross output) has been harvested for commercial use in the period
 2000–2011 from Cameroon, which had been collected from approximately 
138,255 trees.60
 Although this number does not offer a complete picture (because no data
 are available for 2008 and 2010 for Cameroon), it provides a rough 
indication of the amount of P. africana harvested in the last decade, affecting wild populations.
kg of P. africana
 bark (gross output) has been harvested for commercial use in the period
 2000–2011 from Cameroon, which had been collected from approximately 
138,255 trees.60
 Although this number does not offer a complete picture (because no data
 are available for 2008 and 2010 for Cameroon), it provides a rough 
indication of the amount of P. africana harvested in the last decade, affecting wild populations.
The destructive exploitation of P. africana until the late 1990s also had consequences for wildlife,41
 forest habitat, and genetic resource conservation, as well as for local
 communities that depend on this valuable and increasingly scarce 
resource.14
The main reasons for P. africana
 overharvesting are poverty, corruption, poor regulation from the EU 
side, and lack of enforcement from the African side. Poverty and 
corruption on the supply side are major factors leading to resource 
depletion. By employing harvesters from areas (Western Province) other 
than Mount Cameroon, Plantecam deprived local communities of income from
 legal Prunus bark collection for commercial purposes leading 
to illegal harvesting activities overnight, felling trees to maximize 
harvest, stealing products from harvesters employed by Plantecam, and 
selling products to middlemen who resold them to Plantecam at higher 
prices.49 Kenyan conservationist and Nobel laureate Wangari Mathaai has commented on the subject of Prunus overharvesting:
It is those educated foresters. It is the ministers in government. It is the government personnel who are charged with the responsibility of protecting these resources. So, if they become corrupt and allow themselves to be persuaded by the agents, then of course, as a country, we are losing. You are talking about a country where 56 percent of the people are poor. If you show them a few thousand shillings and you tell them to go into the forest and cut a muiri tree [Prunus africana], and the forester is willing to share the loot, it is very, very difficult to convince such a person that the tree is so valuable that one day, it could be turned into an extremely valuable drug and therefore, he should not cut it. It is very, very difficult. That is why we say poverty is both a cause and reason for environmental destruction.39
On
 the demand side, EU regulators lack control in requiring evidence by 
European importers of traceability and sustainability in the use of 
natural products from other countries. Eventually, this was addressed by
 invoking a global regime—CITES—when it was clear that no European 
oversight or control was in place.17
 On the supply side, there was no enforcement of existing African Union 
policy relating to the 1998 OAU Model Law on access and benefit sharing 
principles when traditional knowledge and traditional resources are used
 for medicinal development.61
Conservation Policy
Conservation studies and trade assessments conducted mainly during the 1990s11,14,17 led to many conservation measures. To protect the wild populations cultivation programs started (Fig. 2),
 which included new enrichment plantings, plantations, and small-scale 
farm production, the protection of genetic resources by in situ and ex situ conservation practices and formulating new regulations.23
As previously discussed, in 1995 Prunus
 was listed as an endangered species in Appendix II of CITES. Appendix 
II species are not directly threatened with extinction but may be if 
trade is unregulated. Therefore, each member state of the Convention 
must designate a Management Authority responsible for issuing permits 
and compiling annual reports on their international trade in specimens 
of CITES-listed species. Exporting countries have to issue permits, and 
countries of import must check permits upon entry to regulate trade.17
 The Food and Agriculture Organization panel of experts on forest gene 
resources also recognized the importance of this species and listed P. africana as 1 of the 18 top-priority species for action in Africa.62 To the authors' knowledge, this listing has not been updated since then. As an extra measure of protection, P. africana was listed in the Tree Conservation Database of the World Conservation Monitoring Centre. The Prunus genus has also been identified as one of the priority genera for in situ and ex situ conservation by the International Board for Plant Genetic Resources.14 At the 12th CITES meeting in Leiden in 2002, P. africana
 was selected for a Significant Trade Review to identify problems and 
solutions in implementing the Convention. The Significant Trade Review 
should ensure that species do not decline because of international trade
 while they are listed in Appendix II. A negative review would result in
 transferring the species to Appendix I and prohibit commercial trade. 
At the 16th CITES meeting in Lima, Peru, in 2006, the Plants Committee 
categorized P. africana from Burundi, Cameroon, the DRC, 
Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, and the United Republic of 
Tanzania as “of urgent concern.”63
 The Plants Committee established a working group to guide the relevant 
range states on implementation of recommendations for this species. The 
Terms of Reference are described in the Plants Committee 16 summary 
record.63
Even
 with these various levels of legislative protection, conservation 
efforts have varied across countries throughout Africa, as described in 
Bodeker et al. and summarized in Box 1.64–68
 The species has been subject to international and regional agreements 
on traditional knowledge of plants and access and benefit sharing 
principles, as discussed in the following section.64
Box 1. Conservation Policy of the 5 Most Important Prunus africana Export Countries in the Last 10 Years (CITES Trade Database)
Cameroon
There
 have been extensive conservation efforts by a range of national and 
international organizations and the planting of around 625 hectares with
 1.5 million trees between 1976 and 2008 in western Cameroon.65 Plantecam's harvesting license included a provision that held them responsible for establishing 5 hectares of Prunus
 plantations yearly, since the early 1990s, which the company failed to 
do. Although this contractually mandated replanting was not carried out,
 small-scale farmers took the initiative to cultivate the tree in hopes 
of benefiting from its various uses. Small-scale agroforestry may well 
be a more feasible plan for cultivating Prunus than large plantations in a region where land is scarce and politically disputed.38
 In response to growing conflicts among villagers and outside 
stakeholders, the Mount Cameroon Project (MCP) was created to facilitate
 a process of conflict management with regard to the harvesting and 
trading of P. africana.66
 The MCP focuses on developing partnerships between local communities, 
government, and business and aims to ensure improved, sustained benefits
 to local communities accruing from exploitation.
Cameroon
 was unable to fully meet the Lima requirements. In October 2007, the 
European Commission Scientific Research Group gave negative advice on 
the import of P. africana to European Union member states.34 This trade ban lasted until December 2010.
Democratic Republic of Congo
Because
 of the political unrest present in this country, it has been difficult 
to assess the state of the species. As of 1997, it was reported that 
harvesting was occurring from the mountain range of the Kivu area and 
exported through Kinshasa or Kenya.17
 At its 45th meeting (Paris, France, June 19–22, 2001), the Standing 
Committee accepted a report of the Secretariat (SC45 Doc. 11.2) in which
 it described the continuing fraudulent use of export permits issued by 
the Management Authority of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The 
Committee recommended that the Parties refuse any import of specimens of
 CITES-listed species from and any export or re-export of such specimens
 to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (CITES No. 2001/039). The 
recommendation to suspend trade with the Democratic Republic of the 
Congo was withdrawn in 2002 (CITES No. 2002/065). In 2004, The 
Scientific Review Group (SRG) suspended trade with the Democratic 
Republic of the Congo because of unsustainable harvesting, pending 
review of management practices.34
 Later the same year, after reviewing data from range states (Equatorial
 Guinea, Tanzania, Cameroon, and Madagascar) the SRG lifted the ban on 
imports from the DRC.
Kenya
As of 1995, P. africana
 bark was harvested on privately owned forest land because exploitation 
in protected areas had been forbidden through its addition to Appendix 
II of CITES.17
 The CITES management authority for Kenya objected to the continued 
harvest without a Detriment Study and halted exploitation at the end of 
2002.23 As in other countries, there is a movement to create cultivation based Prunus production.23
Equatorial Guinea
Sunderland and Tako29 report that the 1997 Appendix to the 1995 Forestry Law of Equatorial Guinea refers to the sustainable management of P. africana,
 but a general lack of knowledge as to how to manage and exploit this 
species inhibits the potential for sustainability. Findings of 
Sunderland and Tako29
 show unsustainable exploitation of this species on the island of Bioko.
 In Notification to the Parties No. 2004/024 of April 2004, The 
Secretariat advises all Parties to suspend trade with Equatorial Guinea,
 which was withdrawn in June 2004 (No. 2004/047). Navarro-Cerrillo et 
al. (2008) reported a strong negative effect of harvesting practices on P. africana population structure and mortality after harvesting severely depleted the species.67
 Extraction in new areas and lack of recruitment and establishment of 
new seedlings might lead to the commercial extinction of the species in 
Bioko. As of Feb 3, 2009, Equatorial Guinea is subject to a 
recommendation to suspend trade.67
Uganda
In
 1992, bark was harvested on a trial basis from the Kalinzu-Maranaganbo 
Forest and the Kasyoha-Kitomi Forest Reserve in western Uganda. Bark was
 transported to Mombasa, Kenya, where it was exported to France. 
However, the bark harvest was destructive and the sole exporter ceased 
operations in Uganda.17
 Prunus has been listed on Annex II of the European CITES endangered 
list in 1995. Currently, there are calls within Uganda for sustainable 
cultivation and harvesting by local cooperatives in forest sites within 
so-called multiple-use ecosystems, including Bwindi Impenetrable 
National Park, Mabira Forest, Kibale National Park, Kalinzu Forest 
Reserve, Kashoha, and Mount Elgon National Park.68
Legal Frameworks for Traditional Knowledge and Intellectual Property Rights
There
 are two international legal frameworks of importance to the 
exploitation and development of traditional knowledge of medicinal 
plants in Africa: (1) the Convention on Biological Diversity (1993), 
with its subsidiary the Nagoya Protocol (2010) on access to genetic 
resources and the fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from 
their use to the CBD, and (2) the 1995 Trade-Related Aspects of 
Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement. There are two regional 
frameworks: the Agreement of February 24, 1999, revising the Bangui 
Agreement of March 2, 1977, on the creation of an African Intellectual 
Property Organization and the Swakopmund Protocol (2010).
The Convention on Biological Diversity
The
 CBD entered into force in 1993 to promote the conservation of 
biological diversity, the sustainable use of its components, and the 
fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the use of genetic 
resources. In 2010, the Nagoya Protocol was adopted to supplement the 
intellectual property rights sections of the CBD. This protocol is the 
latest attempt to develop an international instrument complementing 
other previous developed access and benefit sharing instruments. The 
protocol has yet to come into effect, but the principles have widely 
been accepted and to date, 92 parties have signed and 51 have ratified 
the protocol.69
 The United Nations (UN) CBD secretariat revealed in its July 14 press 
release that the Protocol will now enter into force on October 12, 2014,
 following its ratification by 51 parties to the CBD. “The entry into 
force of the Nagoya Protocol will provide greater legal certainty and 
transparency for both providers and users of genetic resources, creating
 a framework that promotes the use of genetic resources and associated 
traditional knowledge while strengthening the opportunities for fair and
 equitable sharing of benefits from their use. Hence, the Protocol will 
create new incentives to conserve biodiversity, sustainable use its 
components, and further enhance the contribution of biodiversity to 
sustainable development and human well-being.”70
The TRIPS agreement
The
 TRIPS agreement came into force in 1995 and introduced minimum global 
standards for protecting and enforcing nearly all forms of intellectual 
property rights, including those for patents, but makes no reference to 
traditional knowledge. Contrary to the CBD position that customary 
ownership constitutes a form of intellectual property protection, TRIPS 
proposes that without patent protection, ownership does not exist. The 
TRIPS agreement requires countries to generate their own patent and 
intellectual property systems, known as sui generis systems, 
which are unenforceable outside their own patent domain; despite efforts
 to reconcile the CBD and TRIPS through the Doha round of trade talks, 
no definitive progress was made.71 As of July 2012, there was no agreement on how best to frame sui generis systems, especially with respect to the following issues:72
- •Definition of traditional knowledge; 
- •Owners and beneficiaries; 
- •How to ensure benefit-sharing; 
- •Objective of protection: preservation or commercialization; 
- •Type, scope, and conditions of protection; 
- •Nature of rights, acquisition, and enforcement' 
- •Term of protection: permanent or not; and 
- •Cultural/customary law dimension. 
The Bangui agreement
The
 African Intellectual Property Organization (OAPI) was created in 1977 
under the Bangui agreement to introduce a uniform law on intellectual 
property. The agreement entered into force in 1982 to ensure the 
protection of intellectual property rights in most African 
French-speaking countries. It acts as a common code of intellectual 
property as the principles and provisions of the agreement have the 
force of national laws in each OAPI member state. OAPI serves as the 
National Office of Industrial Property and the Central Agency for 
documentation and information regarding intellectual property in each 
member state. The Organization provides intellectual property training 
and participates in the development of policies for its member states.73
 The Bangui agreement was signed in 1977 and amended in 1999 into the 
Agreement of 24 February 1999 Revising the Bangui Agreement of 2 March 
1977 on the creation of an African Intellectual Property Organization. 
This agreement entered into force on February 28, 2002, and was revised 
to comply with the TRIPS agreement. It is divided into 10 annexes that 
comprise various intellectual property rights and deals with categories 
that have not been dealt with under the 1977 Bangui agreement, such as 
protection of plant varieties (Annex X). The protection against unfair 
competition has been strengthened and dealt with in Annex VIII, 
including acts or practices divulging information without the consent of
 the owner or right holder.74,75
The Swakopmund Protocol
A
 similar initiative was adopted in 2010, known as the Swakopmund 
Protocol on the Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Expressions of 
Folklore, which protects the rights of traditional knowledge holders and
 prevents misappropriation, misuse, and unlawful exploitation of 
expressions of folklore. The Swakopmund protocol was adopted within the 
Framework of the African Regional Intellectual Property Organization.76
 It is underpinned by the principle that the knowledge, technologies, 
biological resources, and cultural heritage of traditional and local 
communities are the result of tested practices of past generations and 
that these resources are held in trust by current custodians for future 
generations.77
 The protocol states an explicit intent to address the issue of Prior 
Informed Consent, which involves full transparency of information from 
the prospective user and acceptance of communities to use their 
traditional knowledge or expressions of folklore.
The 
legal vacuum of the 1960s and a lack of subsequent implementation of 
these international and regional regulations have resulted in continuing
 overexploitation of medicinal resources and traditional knowledge 
across the African continent, the most notable example being the over 
harvesting of P. africana in Cameroon for European markets to treat BPH.
Ethically, access and benefit sharing principles should have been in place before the 1960s exploitation of P. africana
 to ensure adequate compensation to traditional knowledge holders for 
sharing their knowledge. Legally, access and benefit sharing principles 
should have been in place from 1993 when the CBD was adopted 
establishing an international standard of equitable benefit sharing. 
These international and regional IPR frameworks are still very much in 
an evolutionary stage, despite more than two decades of debate and 
litigation. This grey area status, particularly with the divergent views
 of CBD and TRIPS as to ownership and protection of traditional 
knowledge, continues to affect the implementation of access and benefit 
sharing principles at national levels.
The management 
and protection of IPRs, traditional knowledge, access and benefit 
sharing, and plant genetic resources are still limited in many African 
countries because of the absence of enforceable national policies, even 
though most nations have signed the CBD. African leaders, through the 
New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), have acknowledged and 
stressed the importance of protecting and promoting traditional 
knowledge and technologies to solve specific problems and improve the 
continent's economies. The Southern Africa Network for Biosciences 
(SANBio) established under NEPAD has, as a specialized regional 
biosciences research and development network, been in the forefront of 
promoting the discussion to develop common approaches to intellectual 
property rights, technology transfer, and commercialization of 
innovations arising therefrom. Recently, SANBio/NEPAD developed new 
guidelines on traditional knowledge and plant genetic resources as a 
result of growing concerns of inadequate policies and laws in the 
Southern African Development Community member states on the use of 
traditional knowledge, biological resources, and benefit sharing.78
These
 guidelines seek to facilitate the development and implementation of 
national policies and legislation for the protection and management of 
IPR, traditional knowledge and access and benefit sharing related to the
 use of PGR in southern Africa, aiming for sustainable utilization and 
management of biological diversity. The guidelines contribute to 
building capacity in the region, targeting the development of a national
 critical mass of experts through specialized short- and long-term 
programs, developing appropriate learning aids, introducing curriculum 
on intellectual property at secondary and tertiary levels and 
integrating traditional knowledge at national levels of training.78
 The SANBio/NEPAD guidelines also present a set of sample contracts. The
 application of these guidelines should ensure effective access and 
profitable commercialization for the benefit of communities. Until 
African countries have appropriate national legislation, the 
biodiversity of medicinal resources like P. africana remain at 
risk of overexploitation and traditional knowledge holders risk not 
receiving just compensation for the knowledge they have shared.
MUTHI Project
In
 the spirit of the SANBio/NEPAD emphasis on capacity building via a 
national critical mass of experts, MUTHI was established with European 
Union funding to build more sustainable plant research capacity and 
research networks between key institutions in selected African countries
 (Mali, South Africa, and Uganda) and a group of partner European 
research institutions to attain enhanced health in Africa.40
 Through the MUTHI project's 4-year capacity-building program, African 
researchers are trained in the necessary research skills to produce and 
commercialize safe and standardized improved traditional medicines. They
 are also trained in access and benefit sharing principles.
The MUTHI project commenced in January 2010 and has focused on six broad thematic areas:
- 1.Medical anthropology and ethnopharmacology. 
- 2.Quality control of phytomedicines and nutraceuticals. 
- 3.Investigative bioactivity and safety of phytomedicines and nutraceuticals, with the objectives of assessing the needs of African institutes and developing capabilities of researchers for: bioassays, data management, quality assurance, bioactivity evaluation, safety aspects and developing guidelines. 
- 4.Identify researchers' needs for clinical and public health training and to build capacity of improved traditional medicine researchers on all aspects of the subject, including writing and data analysis. 
- 5.Ethics and intellectual property rights, aiming to assess training and education requirements for stakeholders about intellectual property rights, biodiversity legislation and regulation, access and benefit sharing, and ethics of traditional medicine and research methods. 
- 6.Project management. MUTHI represents but one of a range of herbal development strategies emerging across Africa where science and tradition work together to generate safe and effective contributions to the promotion of Africa's health. 
The gold 
standard referenced by the intellectual property rights work package in 
the MUTHI project is the Code of Ethics, which has its origins in the 
Declaration of Belém, agreed upon in 1988 at the founding of the 
International Society of Ethnobiology, initiated in 1996 and completed 
in 2006. The fundamental value underlying the Code of Ethics is 
continual willingness to evaluate one's own understandings, actions, and
 responsibilities to others, known as the concept of mindfulness. It 
acknowledges that biological and cultural harms have resulted from 
research undertaken without the consent of Indigenous peoples and 
affirms the commitment of the International Society of Ethnobiology to 
work collaboratively in ways that support community-driven development 
of Indigenous peoples' cultures and languages; acknowledge Indigenous 
cultural and intellectual property rights; protect the inextricable 
linkages between cultural, linguistic and biological diversity, and 
contribute to positive, beneficial, and harmonious relationships in the 
field of ethnobiology. The 17 principles of the International Society of
 Ethnobiology Code of Ethics that the MUTHI project based its framework 
on are outlined in Box 2.79
Box 2. Summary of the 17 Principles of the International Society of Ethnobiology Code of Ethics
1. Prior Rights and Responsibilities
Prior Rights and Responsibilities
This
 acknowledges the prior proprietary rights, interests, and cultural 
responsibilities for natural resources that indigenous peoples, 
traditional societies, and local communities have, along with the 
associated knowledge, intellectual property, and traditional resource 
rights.
2. Self-Determination
Self-Determination
This
 recognizes that indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and local 
communities have the right to self-determination, which must be 
respected by researchers and associated organizations throughout 
interactions.
3. Inalienability
Inalienability
This
 refers to the collective and individual inalienable rights of 
indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and local communities to 
determine the nature, scope, and alienability of the resource rights 
regimes on their traditional territories and over their natural 
resources.
4. Traditional Guardianship
Traditional Guardianship
This
 allows for the holistic interconnectedness of people with ecosystems 
and the responsibility of indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and
 local communities to act as traditional guardians of these ecosystems 
by maintaining their cultures, identities, languages, mythologies, 
spiritual beliefs, and customary laws and practices.
5. Active Participation
Active Participation
This
 recognizes the importance of indigenous peoples, traditional societies,
 and local communities to be involved at all research phases and the 
application of the results, including collaboration and prior review of 
results before dissemination.
6. Full Disclosure
Full Disclosure
This
 covers the entitlement of indigenous peoples, traditional societies, 
and local communities to have full understanding of the nature, scope, 
and ultimate purpose of the proposed research.
7. Educated Prior Informed Consent
Educated Prior Informed Consent
This
 occurs before any research is initiated at the collective and 
individual level, based on a continuously maintained relationship 
throughout the research process, using culturally appropriate tools, and
 includes clearly defined risks and benefits to the indigenous peoples, 
traditional societies, and local communities affected by the research.
8. Confidentiality
Confidentiality
This
 ensures that indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and local 
communities have the discretion to keep any aspect of their culture, 
identity, language, traditions, mythologies, spiritual beliefs, or 
genomics confidential and that this confidentiality is guaranteed by 
researchers and other potential users.
9. Respect
Respect
This
 promotes the respect by researchers for the integrity, morality, and 
spirituality of the culture, traditions, and relationships of indigenous
 peoples, traditional societies, and local communities.
10. Active Protection
Active Protection
This
 engages researchers in taking active measures to protect and enhance 
relationships of indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and local 
communities with their environment and maintain cultural and biological 
diversity.
11. Precaution
Precaution
This
 advocates for a proactive, anticipatory approach that aims to mitigate 
harm from research activities. The assessment of these potential risks 
must incorporate local viewpoints and avoid imposing foreign concepts or
 standards.
12. Reciprocity, Mutual Benefit, and Equitable Sharing
Reciprocity, Mutual Benefit, and Equitable Sharing
This
 aims for the mutual benefit and equitable sharing of both tangible and 
intangible results from the research with indigenous peoples, 
traditional societies, and local communities in a way that is culturally
 appropriate.
13. Supporting Indigenous Research
Supporting Indigenous Research
This
 supports the efforts of indigenous peoples, traditional societies, and 
local communities in pursuing and creating their own research that is 
grounded in local customs and epistemology through capacity building, 
training, and technology transfers.
14. The Dynamic Interactive Cycle
The Dynamic Interactive Cycle
This
 cautions against initiating projects unless there is ample reassurance 
that all stages can be completed and seen as cycles of continuous and 
ongoing communication and interaction throughout all research phases.
15. Remedial Action
Remedial Action
This
 implies that, alongside the mitigating actions to prevent harm, 
researchers will discuss and decide with indigenous peoples, traditional
 societies, and local communities on the remedial actions that will be 
taken should any adverse consequences result from the project.
16. Acknowledgment and Due Credit
Acknowledgment and Due Credit
This
 recognizes the importance of acknowledging indigenous peoples, 
traditional societies, and local communities in an appropriate way in 
all agreed forms of dissemination of results and downstream applications
 of resulting knowledge.
17. Diligence
Diligence
This
 calls for the researchers' understanding of the local context before 
initiating research relationships, including knowledge of and compliance
 with local governance systems, cultural laws and protocols, social 
customs and etiquette.
Source: Adapted from the International Society of Ethnobiology Code of Ethics.79
Contrary
 to other frameworks, the International Society of Ethnobiology Code of 
Ethics addresses the rights of the individual and the community, whereas
 existing international and regional legal frameworks focus on the 
rights of communities and nation states and do not specifically address 
the rights of individual knowledge holders. By integrating this 
framework into future research on herbal medicine in Africa, there is 
hope for better conservation and harvesting practices in a developing 
region that relies heavily on plant based medicine.
Discussion
Sub-Saharan
 Africa's 2012–2013 growth rate of 5% positions the region as an 
emerging hub of global growth. World Bank data indicate that almost half
 of Africa's countries have attained middle-income status.80
 Accompanying this is a rising commitment to develop the African 
traditional medicine as part of integrated healthcare in Africa, 
including the production of a new class of standardized African herbal 
medicines.81
 As companies and researchers move in this direction, key legal 
parameters will need to be observed and enforced. In this context, the 
case of P. africana stands as stark testimony to the 
consequences of a failure of ethics and enforcement in the development 
of Africa's medicinal plants and the traditional knowledge of their use 
for human health.
The European Parliament, on of March
 11, 2014, adopted new rules on access to genetic resources and the fair
 and equitable sharing of benefits resulting from their utilization 
(also known as access and benefit sharing) in the European Union. It 
also granted consent for the European Union to be legally bound by the 
Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing. This means that from the 
demand side, European countries will be legally required to ensure 
appropriate sharing of benefits arising from the use of genetic 
resources, thus contributing to the conservation and sustainable use of 
biodiversity.
On the supply side, industry proponents understandably call for a solution that promotes conservation and farming of P. africana,
 while keeping rates of production at current or increased levels. A 
Norwegian report on the access and benefit sharing aspects of P. africana has argued that the domestication of P. africana is the most obvious way to proceed to develop sustainable production of the bark which also does not endanger wild stocks.44 Indeed, between 1976 and 2007, over 1,610,000 P. africana trees have been planted across montane regions of Cameroon.82 Regeneration of Prunus
 stocks is also important, as is preservation of genetic diversity, 
which has been found important in ensuring highest quality of actives 
needed for BPH management.44
Although
 plantation development and efforts towards species regeneration are 
constructive, the expanding BPH natural products sub-sector would 
benefit from shifting its focus away from this slow growing species 
towards a diversity of other medicinal plants that have beneficial 
effects on BPH.
For example, Morocco's argan oil from the North African tree Argania spinosa (L.) Skeels (Sapotaceae),83,84 the kernels of the Brazilian native palm tree Attalea speciosa Mart. (Arecaceae) (synonym Orbignya speciosa [Mart.] Barb. Rodr.),85
Ganoderma lucidum Fr. Krast (Ganodermataceae),86 and other edible and medicinal mushrooms, Ayurvedic herbal mixtures,87 or Traditional Chinese Medicine (Vaccaria, Plantago Formula, Rehmannia Eight Formula)88,89 and other herbs.90
 Despite the popularity of saw palmetto for managing BPH in the United 
States and Europe, this plant has been found in an important recent 
study to have no beneficial effect on BPH.91
For international consumers, then, P. africana
 products are clearly not the only therapeutic option for plant-based 
approaches to managing BPH. Preserving Africa's endangered medicinal 
trees while cultivating other, more readily renewable African medicinal 
plants for common ailments would seem to be a logical shift in industry 
focus as Africa moves to develop traditional medicine along scientific, 
ethical, and sustainable lines.
Acknowledgments
This project was funded by the European Union Research Directorate through the MUTHI project, FP7 grant agreement no: 266005.
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