Twitter war between Natural History and Science museums

https://www.indy100.com/article/twitter-war-natural-history-science-museum-funny-social-media-7949936?utm_source=indy&utm_medium=top5&utm_campaign=i100

Les tricheurs de la science

Publié le 12 septembre 2017 à 07h04 | Mis à jour le 12 septembre 2017 à 07h04 Ils devraient être des modèles de rigueur. Ils ont plutôt truqué leurs... (Photomontage La Presse) Agrandir PHOTOMONTAGE LA PRESSE http://www.lapresse.ca/actualites/enquetes/201709/12/01-5132442-les-tricheurs-de-la-science.php Fraudes scientifiques: faux journaux, faux congrès Fraudes scientifiques: des secrets universitaires bien gardés Les tricheurs de la science Marie-Claude MalboeufMARIE-CLAUDE MALBOEUF La Presse Ils devraient être des modèles de rigueur. Ils ont plutôt truqué leurs résultats, détourné des fonds, menti ou volé des écrits. Depuis cinq ans, près d'une centaine de scientifiques canadiens ont été punis pour malhonnêteté, révèlent des données obtenues par La Presse. Et ils sont de plus en plus nombreux à se faire prendre. De plus en plus de tricheurs démasqués Dans chaque bureau de l'hôpital d'Ottawa, les révélations du Dr Paul Hébert déclenchaient un séisme. Le spécialiste des soins intensifs était lui-même sidéré. Et enragé par ce que la responsable de son programme de recherche venait de découvrir. « Une professionnelle de la santé fraudait, elle fabriquait des données de recherche ! », confie le chercheur, aujourd'hui chef du département de médecine au Centre hospitalier de l'Université de Montréal (CHUM) et auteur de travaux qui ont transformé la pratique de la transfusion sanguine. Dans le cadre de l'étude qu'il faisait à l'époque, l'employée tricheuse devait absolument prélever le sang de patients à des moments précis pour qu'on mesure l'effet d'un traitement. Mais au lieu de remplir sa mission le samedi, comme il le fallait, elle ne s'est jamais présentée à l'hôpital. De retour le lundi, elle a recueilli le sang en douce et écrit la mauvaise date sur les fioles, en espérant brouiller les pistes. Mais ses collègues surveillaient le réfrigérateur. « On l'a congédiée, mais à l'hôpital, la crise a duré des semaines. Elle a failli ruiner l'étude », explique le Dr Hébert. Quinze ans plus tard, il se souvient de tout. Entre deux nuits d'insomnie, il a alerté les organisations concernées et repris la collecte de données auprès de 40 patients. Une somme de travail colossale, qui s'est étendue sur un an et lui a coûté 100 000 $. L'étude a ainsi pu être publiée dans une revue prestigieuse. Mais cela n'empêche pas le spécialiste de frémir en pensant à ce qui aurait pu se produire. « Découvrir la fraude seulement après la publication, ç'aurait été un désastre... » Il n'en avait encore jamais parlé publiquement. Des désastres, le médecin sait bien que d'autres universités en connaissent, y compris au Canada, où est survenu l'un des pires scandales. Du fond de l'Université Memorial, à Terre-Neuve-et-Labrador, le chercheur Ranjit Chandra est devenu une vedette mondiale en publiant des études sur des multivitamines miracles et d'autres au sujet de 700 bébés n'ayant finalement jamais existé. Il les inventait et recopiait des séries de chiffres d'une étude à l'autre. L'université a enterré l'affaire pendant 12 ans, ignorant de nombreux dénonciateurs et laissant son professeur empocher une fortune - jusqu'à ce qu'il quitte le Canada en douce, en 2002. À la même époque, le chercheur James Xu est entré dans un laboratoire albertain en pleine nuit pour ajouter une substance dans les éprouvettes, afin que les expériences de son équipe semblent concluantes. Plus de fraudeurs démasqués Combien de délinquants sévissent encore au Canada ? Ces cinq dernières années, les universités du pays ont transmis aux autorités fédérales des rapports d'enquête concernant 192 chercheurs, dont 83 ont été jugés malhonnêtes, révèlent de nouvelles données obtenues par La Presse. Leur analyse montre que le nombre de chercheurs sanctionnés annuellement a augmenté de 54 % au cours de cette période. Treize d'entre eux avaient fabriqué, falsifié ou détruit des données. Les autres avaient menti dans leurs demandes de subvention, détourné des fonds publics, plagié ou bâclé leur travail (détails ci-contre). Peu de cas rendus publics À Toronto, Sophie Jamal a berné une très prestigieuse revue médicale. L'endocrinologue avait altéré sa base de données pour faire croire que le fait d'appliquer un onguent avait fait augmenter la densité osseuse de ses patientes à risque d'ostéoporose. Elle a donc perdu son emploi l'an dernier, et perdu à jamais le droit de demander des subventions fédérales. En 2013, les Américains ont révélé qu'un pathologiste prometteur de l'Université Western Ontario (Hao Wang) avait faussement rapporté avoir réussi une greffe de rein sur deux singes. La même année, l'Université McGill a obtenu gain de cause contre l'un de ses chercheurs les plus connus - et les plus subventionnés -, Avi Chaudhuri. Le professeur de psychologie avait menti au sujet de 14 voyages en Inde, prétendant s'y rendre pour faire ses recherches, alors qu'il y faisait plutôt rouler une entreprise lui appartenant. Il a été congédié. De leurs propres aveux, plusieurs scientifiques ne se font jamais prendre. Environ 2% des chercheurs sondés lors d'enquêtes scientifiques admettent avoir déjà falsifié ou fabriqué des données. Et 9% avouent avoir déjà adopté d'autres pratiques discutables. Les scientifiques détestent parler de ces dérives en public, par crainte que la population n'oublie que 90 % d'entre eux sont rigoureux et honnêtes, et ne condamne injustement la science dans son ensemble. En privé, par contre, « il y a un besoin criant de se défouler, vous n'avez pas idée ! », constate le professeur Bryn Williams-Jones, qui dirige les programmes de bioéthique à l'UdeM et collabore à une enquête internationale lancée par son ancienne étudiante, Élise Smith. Le sondage portait sur la signature des études savantes, mais les participants en avaient long à dénoncer. « Ils nous parlent d'abus, de manipulations de données, de harcèlement, de conflit d'intérêts... énumère le bioéthicien. Leurs témoignages font déjà 300 pages ! » Influence mortelle « Le manque d'intégrité, c'est hyper dangereux ; les décideurs se basent sur des données scientifiques de toutes sortes dans leur travail », prévient le professeur Williams-Jones. En santé, il suffit d'un seul délinquant pour causer « d'immenses dégâts », car des millions de médecins se fient aux études pour traiter leurs patients, précise le Dr Hébert. « La recherche clinique frauduleuse ou mal menée peut tuer. » Des chercheurs ont accusé deux scientifiques européens d'avoir eu ce genre d'influence mortelle. Le premier (l'anesthésiste Joachim Boldt) prônait l'emploi d'un soluté controversé pour réanimer les patients en insuffisance circulatoire. Le second (le cardiologue Don Poldermans), celui de bêtabloquants lors d'opérations à haut risque. Ces deux pratiques tuaient probablement beaucoup plus de gens qu'elles n'en sauvaient, a-t-on compris trop tard - après avoir découvert, il y a quelques années, que chacun des deux hommes avait publié des données fictives ayant brouillé les cartes. Des jeunes sont également morts après avoir attrapé la rougeole, parce que leurs parents avaient lu que les faire vacciner risquait de les rendre autistes. Dans sa pseudo-étude portant sur 12 enfants, l'ex-médecin britannique Andrew Wafefield avait pourtant déformé le contenu de chaque dossier médical, sans exception. Et caché le fait qu'un avocat lui avait versé plus de 700 000 $ après lui avoir commandé l'étude pour justifier le dépôt de poursuites judiciaires contre les fabricants de vaccins. Des millions gaspillés Chaque année, les scientifiques malhonnêtes privent la société de millions de dollars. « En fraudant, tu gaspilles tes propres fonds de recherche et tu amènes plein d'autres scientifiques à suivre de fausses pistes avec les leurs, dénonce le Dr Hébert. Ça mobilise des ressources rares en pure perte, alors qu'elles auraient pu permettre de vrais progrès. » Les agences canadiennes tentent de réduire les dégâts en exigeant que les délinquants remboursent les fonds mal utilisés. En cinq ans et demi, elles ont ainsi récupéré près de 0,9 million, soit 80 % des sommes réclamées (et l'équivalent de 0,038 % de leur budget annuel de 2,38 milliards). Quarante-deux chercheurs se sont par ailleurs retrouvés sur une « liste noire » qui les empêchent de recevoir des subventions - dont sept pour toujours. D'année en année, le nombre de délinquants sanctionnés augmente. « On accepte maintenant de recevoir les allégations anonymes, précise Susan Zimmerman, directrice du Secrétariat pour la conduite responsable de la recherche, qui assiste les agences subventionnaires. On essaie de faciliter les choses pour encourager les gens à parler. » Cas de plagiat, de falsification ou de fabrication sanctionnés de 2012 à 2017 39 par le Secrétariat pour le conduite responsable de la recherche (Canada) : 92 par la National Science Foundation (EU) 54 par l'Office for Research Intergrity (EU) Un premier bilan détaillé Dès qu'un scientifique soutenu par des fonds fédéraux est soupçonné d'inconduite, les universités sont tenues d'alerter le Groupe et le Secrétariat pour la conduite responsable de la recherche. Elles doivent ensuite leur transmettre leurs rapports d'enquête. C'est la règle depuis décembre 2011, les trois agences subventionnaires fédérales s'étant alors dotées d'une politique commune - une innovation notamment motivée par le scandale survenu à l'Université Memorial. Le Secrétariat aide les agences à faire appliquer les règles et compile les statistiques rapportées dans ce reportage. C'est la toute première fois qu'il livre un bilan détaillé des manquements et des sanctions enregistrées depuis sa création. L'an dernier, les trois agences fédérales ont soutenu 36 000 chercheurs. Pourquoi frauder ? Qu'est-ce qui pousse des scientifiques - censés chercher la vérité - à frauder ? Voici ce qu'ont répondu les principaux intéressés. La compétition féroce « Dans la position académique que j'occupais, ton estime de toi dépend des subventions obtenues. [...] J'étais sur un tapis roulant et je ne pouvais pas descendre », a déclaré le chercheur en obésité Eric Poehlman lors de son procès criminel couvert par le New York Times. Sans fonds, un chercheur ne peut ni faire rouler son labo, ni publier, ni être promu. « Et comme les athlètes qui se dopent, certains pensent qu'ils ne peuvent pas réussir sans tricher », analyse l'éthicien Bryn Williams-Jones, de l'Université de Montréal. « Trop de structures encouragent les comportements nocifs. Des taux de réussite de 12 % lors des demandes de subvention, ça crée une compétition hallucinante, qui favorise les manquements. » La vanité « Ce sont la vanité et l'autoglorification qui l'ont motivé. C'était un expert mondial, qui voyageait en première classe pour donner des conférences à travers le monde. » L'éditeur scientifique Steven Shafer a expliqué de cette façon pourquoi l'anesthésiste allemand Joachim Boldt, a pu publier 94 études frauduleuses. Besoin de pouvoir, d'admiration, arrogance... Dans les sphères hautement compétitives, ces traits narcissiques sont fréquents, d'après la diplômée en psychologie légale Cristy McGoff, que le site RetractionWatch a interrogée au sujet des cas gérés dans son université américaine. « Se percevoir comme étant respecté et omniscient peut amener quelqu'un à pousser le bouchon. » La maladie « Certains de ses comportements étaient si illogiques et outrageux qu'il est évident qu'il n'était pas capable de penser rationnellement à l'époque. » D'après son avocat, c'est la maladie qui a poussé Scott Reuben à frauder. Des épisodes de manie lui ont permis d'abattre un travail insensé, jusqu'à ce qu'il ne parvienne plus à remplir ses engagements et commence à avoir recours à son imagination. Avide d'attention et devenu inconscient des risques, l'anesthésiste a prétendu avoir enrôlé 200 patients ayant subi un remplacement du genou, alors que son hôpital effectuait très peu d'opérations du genre. À l'époque du procès, il avait tout perdu - sa femme, son permis de médecin, sa fortune - et emménagé chez ses parents. La pente glissante « Il a commencé à tricher un peu, et la tromperie est devenue totalement incontrôlée. » Voici comment le chercheur norvégien Jon Sudbø a fini par inventer 908 patients, selon ce qu'a déclaré son avocat à l'époque. « Le premier pas sur le chemin de la fraude est probablement franchi en raison d'une peur égoïste », explique la psychologue Jennifer Crocker dans la revue Nature. Tout commence par la crainte d'être mal vu ou « de ne pas obtenir le poste, la subvention ou le prix convoités ». Mais le chercheur se sent mal d'avoir triché et rationalise son geste pour se revaloriser, ce qui rend le prochain pas facile à franchir. L'obsession des résultats « Il vaut mieux publier des résultats positifs pour [sa] carrière. C'est de ça qu'il s'agit : gravir les échelons. » Le lanceur d'alarme Peter Wilmshurst a raconté au quotidien Der Spiegel que ses confrères peu scrupuleux ne se font pas prier pour faire des cachettes. « De nos jours, les journaux et les organismes subventionnaires veulent des résultats positifs », observe le professeur Vincent Larivière, qui détient la Chaire sur les transformations de la communication savante. « Certains chercheurs vont donc prendre quelques libertés pour obtenir des résultats plus frappants, afin de publier plus facilement dans des journaux mieux cotés et d'être plus cités. C'est bien plus répandu que la fraude. » L'insécurité extrême Le professeur de psychologie néerlandais Diederik Stapel, doyen de sa faculté, a inventé les résultats d'innombrables expériences jamais faites. Dans le récit autobiographique de sa chute, publié en 2012, il raconte combien la difficulté d'être publié l'angoissait et évoque son insécurité extrême. « Marquer des points te fait applaudir et un pointage élevé te fait applaudir très fort. Et les forts applaudissements sont formidables, parce qu'ils noient tes doutes au sujet de la valeur de ce que tu fais et de qui tu es. » « Comme un alcoolique ou un héroïnomane, j'ai commencé à utiliser ma dépendance pour tout régler : mauvais résultats, longue périodes sans trouver un effet ou sans publier. » L'argent « L'argent est un incitatif très fort, c'est la nature humaine... » Selon l'éthicien Bryn Williams-Jones, l'appât du gain a vraisemblablement motivé plusieurs fraudes scientifiques. Au Canada, Ranjit Chandra a inventé ses travaux au sujet de vitamines de sa fabrication, censées repousser la démence. D'après la preuve déposée lors de sa poursuite en diffamation contre CBC, il espérait réaliser des ventes de 125 millions. Après avoir fui en Inde en 2002, l'allergologue est revenu pratiquer la médecine dans la grande région de Toronto. La police a affirmé l'an dernier qu'il en a profité pour frauder la régie de l'assurance maladie ontarienne, avant de repartir en Inde. Les justiciers de la science Excédés de voir leur réputation ternie, des scientifiques s'efforcent de démasquer leurs confrères malhonnêtes et de nettoyer la littérature savante. Voici leurs méthodes - si efficaces qu'elles font exploser le nombre d'études discréditées et rayées de la carte. Mauvais menteurs Des invraisemblances grossières provoquent parfois la chute de stars de la recherche. Le Norvégien Jon Sudbø avait attribué la même date de naissance à 250 des 908 cancéreux qu'il avait inventés. Et il a prétendu les avoir trouvés dans une base de données qui n'existait pas encore. Le Canadien Ranjit Chandra a, quant à lui, attribué des scores cognitifs si faibles à ses sujets (censément normaux, mais fictifs) qu'ils semblaient atteints d'un retard mental. D'autres ont recyclé des séries de chiffres d'une étude à l'autre (dont Chandra et le professeur de psychologie néerlandais Diederik Stapel). Ou rapporté avoir réalisé un sondage en science politique si complexe (l'étudiant américain Michael LaCour) qu'un autre étudiant désireux de reproduire l'expérience a découvert que cela nécessitait un budget insensé. Anonymat L'union fait apparemment la force. Depuis 2012, les scientifiques dénoncent les lacunes d'études suspectes sur le site PubPeer, qui leur permet d'échanger avec des confrères du monde entier et, surtout, de le faire de façon anonyme. Cette révolution a délié les langues et généré des commentaires au sujet de 22 000 études. Après avoir perdu son emploi, un chercheur du Michigan s'est vainement adressé aux tribunaux pour savoir qui avait attaqué ses travaux, disant avoir été diffamé. L'anonymat est essentiel, affirme en entrevue le fondateur de PubPeer, Brandon Stell, chercheur au CNRS à Paris. « Bien des scientifiques craignent de s'attirer des représailles s'ils critiquent [ouvertement leurs collègues]. » Fausses images La popularité de logiciels comme PhotoShop facilite la manipulation d'images - une supercherie qui fausse 4 % des études, d'après les évaluations les plus récentes. « Des chercheurs réutilisent par exemple la photo d'une expérience faite sur un type de cellules, afin de prétendre qu'elle a fonctionné aussi sur un autre type de cellules », explique au téléphone le journaliste scientifique Ivan Oransky, fondateur site RetractionWatch. L'ex-étoile montante Anil Potti a même recyclé de vieux scans de poumons pour illustrer les supposés effets de son traitement expérimental contre le cancer. « Certaines personnes utilisent des logiciels, mais d'autres le font à l'oeil. Elles ont le genre de cerveau qui n'oublie pas les images », constate le fondateur de PubPeer, où les images truquées sont activement dénoncées. Robots policiers Comment repérer les leurres subtils au milieu d'un déluge de données ? Un nouveau logiciel identifie les distributions statistiques qui avaient des chances infimes de se produire sans tricher. Après l'avoir mis au point, l'anesthésiste John Carlisle a écrit cet été que des douzaines d'études cliniques publiées dans des revues prestigieuses étaient douteuses. Depuis un an, un robot informatique baptisé « StatCheck » permet par ailleurs de déceler les erreurs de calcul. Il a ainsi remis en question 50 000 études en psychologie sur PubPeer. Mais ses réprimandes publiques ont été dénoncées, car elles humilient aussi les responsables d'erreurs de bonne foi. Poids des mots D'autres chercheurs se sont demandé si leurs confrères malhonnêtes écrivaient différemment lorsqu'ils mentaient. D'après leur analyse, la lecture des études biomédicales frauduleuses est plus ardue, car elles sont plus vagues, plus techniques et contiennent plus de références, mais moins de quantitatifs. Dans ses études fictives, le professeur de psychologie Diederik Stapel utilisait pour sa part moins d'adjectifs, mais plus de superlatifs et d'amplificateurs (comme « profondément » ou « extrêmement ») que dans ses études authentiques. Justiciers solitaires En Europe, le cardiologue britannique Peter Wilmshurst a dénoncé une vingtaine de scientifiques malhonnêtes et survécu aux poursuites engagées pour le faire taire. Avant lui, plusieurs personnes avaient fermé les yeux. En Chine, le diplômé en biochimie Shimin Fang a attaqué des centaines de délinquants sur son site News Threads. Ce qui lui a valu 10 poursuites, une agression au marteau et un prix de l'organisme Sense about Science. Le gouvernement chinois a censuré son site en 2014. Aux États-Unis, le chercheur Paul Brookes a dû fermer science-fraud.org en 2013, après six mois d'activités, durant lesquels il avait dénoncé 275 études - convaincu que le faire en privé ne donnerait guère de résultats. Déluge d'études discréditées Tous ces efforts ont eu un remarquable effet, provoquant le retrait de milliers d'études discréditées. L'an dernier, 972 articles erronés ou frauduleux ont été rétractés après publication. « En 2000, 30 fois moins d'études avaient connu le même sort », indique en entrevue le journaliste scientifique Ivan Oransky. Depuis 2010, son site RetractionWatch fait la lumière sur ces événements en insistant sur les cas de fraude et de plagiat, qui sont trois fois plus nombreux que les cas d'erreurs et semblent augmenter. À lui seul, l'anesthésiste japonais Yoshitaka Fujii a vu 183 de ses études être rétractées : un record. Le rapport d'enquête qui le concerne conclut qu'il fonctionnait « comme s'il rédigeait un roman ».

Eight-year-old publishes in a scientific journal

Nicole Spencer Sep. 14, 2017 At only 8 years old, Sophia Spencer has published a paper in a scientific journal, Discover Wildlife reports. Last year, Spencer’s mother emailed the Entomological Society of Canada (ESC) in Winnipeg to explain that her daughter was being bullied for her love of insects, and asked to be put in contact with a professional entomologist who could answer the girl’s questions. After sharing an anonymized version of this email on Twitter, ESC received more than 100 messages from scientists and people who encouraged Spencer to keep exploring the world of bugs. Following this outpouring of support, Morgan Jackson, the social media editor who sent the original tweet for ESC, decided to write up the story for a special issue on science communication for the Annals of the Entomological Society of America, and invited Spencer to be a co-author. http://www.sciencemag.org/news/sifter/eight-year-old-publishes-scientific-journal

The Misuse of Meta-analysis in Nutrition Research

Viewpoint September 18, 2017 Neal D. Barnard, MD1; Walter C. Willett, MD, DrPH2; Eric L. Ding, ScD2 1George Washington University School of Medicine and Health Sciences, Washington, DC 2Department of Nutrition, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Boston, Massachusetts JAMA. Published online September 18, 2017. doi:10.1001/jama.2017.12083 JAMA. Published online September 18, 2017. doi:10.1001/jama.2017.12083 Controversial conclusions from meta-analyses in nutrition are of tremendous interest to the public and can influence policies on diet and health. When the results of meta-analyses are the product of faulty methods, they can be misleading and can also be exploited by economic interests seeking to counteract unflattering scientific findings about commercial products. The term meta-analysis was coined by Glass in the mid-1970s for a set of techniques designed to characterize and combine the findings of prior studies in order to increase statistical power, provide quantitative summary estimates, and identify data gaps and biases. When applied to studies conducted with similar populations and methods, meta-analyses can be useful. However, many published meta-analyses have combined the findings of studies that differ in important ways, prompting Eysenck to complain that they have mixed apples and oranges—and sometimes “apples, lice, and killer whales”—yielding meaningless conclusions.1 Nutritional science presents special challenges for meta-analyses. In clinical trials, nutrition interventions vary from one study to the next in many methodological details, weakening the argument for combining their results. This is in contrast to studies of drugs in which it is generally easier to assess the comparability of interventions. In observational studies, populations range widely in their dietary habits, and while some diet characteristics (eg, coffee use) are fairly consistent for individuals from day to day and are reliably reported, the consumption of most foods (eg, vegetables) and nutrients (eg, sodium) is variable and difficult to quantify. Different studies handle these issues in different ways. Moreover, different studies may report dietary intakes in tertiles, quartiles, quintiles, or other groupings of their own choosing. Combining results may require contacting the original investigators for participant-level data, which may have been produced using dissimilar dietary assessment techniques. When Populations Differ A 2014 meta-analysis examined the relationship between saturated fat intake and coronary artery disease.2 One of the included prospective studies, the Oxford Vegetarian Study,3 included vegans, ovolacto vegetarians, fish eaters, and meat eaters, with reported saturated fat intake ranging from 6% to 7% of energy in vegan participants to approximately twice that amount in the other diet groups. Those in the highest tertile of saturated fat intake had nearly triple the risk of fatal ischemic heart disease compared with the lowest tertile. In contrast, another study included in the meta-analysis, the Malmö Diet and Cancer cohort study,4 had no groups at the lower end of saturated fat intake, which ranged from 13% to more than 22% for the lowest to the highest quintiles, and no significant association between saturated fat intake and risk of cardiovascular events was detected. The Malmö authors cautioned, “only 1.2 percent of the present study population actually followed national Swedish recommendations (less than 10 energy percent) on saturated fat intake. Strictly speaking, the SFA-CVD [saturated fatty acids-cardiovascular disease] hypothesis is thus not fully testable in this population.” Nevertheless, the Malmö study was given substantial weight in the meta-analysis, which concluded that available evidence did not support limiting saturated fat, a conclusion repeated in a New York Times commentary proclaiming “Butter is Back” and a Time magazine cover displaying an artistic butter swirl and the bold headline “Eat Butter,” and cited by the 2015 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee. The following year, a Gallup poll registered a sharp decline in the number of US adults limiting fat in their diets. Compared With What? The effects of any given dietary exposure depend on what that exposure is compared against. A 2017 meta-analysis evaluated associations between red meat intake and blood lipid concentrations.5 Of the 39 trials that contributed to the analysis on low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol, 34 compared red meat with other meats, revealing little apparent relationship with LDL cholesterol. The remaining 5 studies compared red meat to plant-based foods, most of which found nonsignificantly increased LDL cholesterol after red meat consumption. However, the investigators combined the results of all these studies, concluding that red meat “does not negatively influence cardiovascular disease risk factors.” A better approach would focus on a single comparator and ensure that an adequate number of studies had used the method of interest. In addition, eating less of one type of food often means eating more of something else. If some research participants consume less saturated fat, for example, what is taking its place—polyunsaturated fat, monounsaturated fat, complex carbohydrates, simple sugars, or something else? Understanding the effects of specific substitutions can lead to more robust and informative findings than focusing on the effects of one nutrient or food alone compared with everything else in a diet. Study Quality Studies vary greatly in quality. For example, some clinical trials are randomized; others are not. A 2014 meta-analysis of the effect of palm oil intake on blood lipids included studies that varied in quality, concluding that evidence was too inconsistent to draw firm conclusions.6 A later meta-analysis limited to higher-quality randomized trials found that palm oil significantly increased LDL cholesterol concentrations, compared with nontropical oils.7 The issue of the quality of individual trials is relevant for all meta-analyses, which reinforces the need to follow reporting guidelines, such as the PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses), and include a rigorous assessment of risk of bias in individual studies, among other steps outlined below. Do Meta-analyses Help? Combining the results of individual studies increases the total number of participants, and more participants should mean more statistical power. However, when there are differences in participant demographics and study methods, combining studies increases variability in findings that can reduce statistical power, making real effects more difficult to identify. So, for example, if saturated fat is associated with a disease outcome in an individual well-conducted study, but not in a meta-analysis, the null result may reflect heterogeneity among studies that dilutes real findings. Sensitivity analyses, which systematically remove some studies from the analysis, sometimes help by focusing, for example, on higher-quality studies. The most important contribution of a meta-analysis is not necessarily the single statistical summary of effect size, but rather may be the ability to elucidate why different studies have produced different results. Subgroup analyses may help explain observed differences, and unexplained heterogeneity should be acknowledged. When individual studies vary substantially in their populations and methods, a meta-analysis may be less useful than a single (or small number of) well-conducted investigation(s). Science and Money The food industry is well aware of the power of science-driven headlines and has invested in meta-analyses. In the process, nutritional science may be adversely affected. In a 2007 review of 111 industry-funded studies, funding source was significantly related to study conclusions.8 Even in the absence of commercial funding, bias is an important consideration, so transparency in the conduct of meta-analyses is as important as it is in the individual studies. A Way Forward Because meta-analyses, particularly involving diet, influence health policy, carry considerable weight in the media and in public perception, and have the potential to do harm, the peer-review process must go beyond ensuring that standard meta-analytic procedures have been followed. This could include (1) requiring review by editors with expertise in meta-analysis and in the subject matter at hand, (2) requiring authors to confirm with the authors of the original reports that their data were appropriately represented, to the extent possible, (3) requiring authors to share their summary data and methodological details to allow others to reproduce the analysis, and (4) prioritizing meta-analyses derived by pooling original primary data over those using published summary data. Potential conflicts of interest should be carefully scrutinized for meta-analyses and the studies they include. This process could be facilitated by a standardized, permanent financial disclosure registry. These steps will not eliminate controversial findings from meta-analyses of nutritional research or of other topics but may give them a more solid foundation. Back to top Article Information Corresponding Author: Neal D. Barnard, MD, George Washington University School of Medicine and Health Sciences, 5100 Wisconsin Ave, Ste 400, Washington, DC 20016 (nbarnard@pcrm.org). Published Online: September 18, 2017. doi:10.1001/jama.2017.12083 Conflict of Interest Disclosures: All authors have completed and submitted the ICMJE Form for Disclosure of Potential Conflicts of Interest and none were reported. References 1. Eysenck H. Meta-analysis squared: does it make sense? Am Psychol. 1995;50:110-111. Article 2. Chowdhury R, Warnakula S, Kunutsor S, et al. Association of dietary, circulating, and supplement fatty acids with coronary risk: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Ann Intern Med. 2014;160(6):398-406.PubMedArticle 3. Appleby PN, Thorogood M, Mann JI, Key TJA. The Oxford Vegetarian Study: an overview. Am J Clin Nutr. 1999;70(3)(suppl):525S-531S.PubMed 4. Wallström P, Sonestedt E, Hlebowicz J, et al. Dietary fiber and saturated fat intake associations with cardiovascular disease differ by sex in the Malmö Diet and Cancer cohort: a prospective study. PLoS One. 2012;7(2):e31637.PubMedArticle 5. O’Connor LE, Kim JE, Campbell WW. Total red meat intake of ≥0.5 servings/d does not negatively influence cardiovascular disease risk factors: a systemically searched meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials. Am J Clin Nutr. 2017;105(1):57-69.PubMedArticle 6. Fattore E, Bosetti C, Brighenti F, Agostoni C, Fattore G. Palm oil and blood lipid-related markers of cardiovascular disease: a systematic review and meta-analysis of dietary intervention trials. Am J Clin Nutr. 2014;99(6):1331-1350. PubMedArticle 7. Sun Y, Neelakantan N, Wu Y, Lote-Oke R, Pan A, van Dam RM. Palm oil consumption increases LDL cholesterol compared with vegetable oils low in saturated fat in a meta-analysis of clinical trials. J Nutr. 2015;145(7):1549-1558.PubMedArticle 8. Lesser LI, Ebbeling CB, Goozner M, Wypij D, Ludwig DS. Relationship between funding source and conclusion among nutrition-related scientific articles. PLoS Med. 2007;4(1):e5. PubMedArticle

Parakeet invasion of Mexico driven by Europe’s ban on bird imports

Attempts to stop the spread of bird flu and protect wildlife had unintended consequences. Allie Wilkinson 29 September 2017 http://www.nature.com/news/parakeet-invasion-of-mexico-driven-by-europe-s-ban-on-bird-imports-1.22653 Joel Sartore/NGC The monk parakeet is popular in the pet trade, but is also considered an invasive species when it escapes into the wild. Small, emerald-coloured birds called monk parakeets (Myiopsitta monachus) invaded Mexico in the span of a decade because of trade policies thousands of kilometres away in Europe, according to a study released this month. The research highlights how fears over avian flu, which prompted a ban on bird imports in Europe, had wide ranging effects in other countries. Related stories Behind New Zealand’s wild plan to purge all pests Europe's bird-flu outbreaks pose little risk to humans Invasive species: The 18-km2 rat trap More related stories Monk parakeets, a type of parrot native to South America, popped up in countries such as the United States in the 1960s and have established themselves from Brooklyn to Brussels. There were only a handful of reported sightings of the bird in Mexico City in 2005. But by 2015, feral monk parakeets were documented in 97 cities throughout the country, say researchers in a study1 published on 19 September in PLoS ONE. Monk parakeets are considered agricultural pests, and their enormous communal nests can cause blackouts when built on electrical equipment2. But they are popular as pets, and so have been part of the international parrot trade. “It’s been a really, really fast invasion,” says Elizabeth Hobson, a behavioural ecologist at the Santa Fe Institute in New Mexico and lead author on the study, both in terms of the geographic scope and the shifts in the trade policies that contributed to it. Usually, it’s hard to work out when a non-native species first appeared in an area, says Hobson. But the arrival of monk parakeets in Mexico has a sharply defined start and end point, thanks to shipping documentation and bird sightings recorded by citizen scientists using apps such as iNaturalist and eBird, Hobson says. Unintended consequences She and her colleagues contend that two pieces of legislation shifted the global demand for monk parakeets from Europe to Mexico. In 2004, concerns about the spread of avian influenza in Europe led to an import ban on birds from southeast Asia. By 2007, the European Union had banned the importation of all wild-caught birds, regardless of their origin. As EU demand for monk parakeets crashed, the international market for the birds shifted to Mexico, where regulatory changes in 2008 had made it illegal to purchase native Mexican parrots as pets, in an effort to preserve wild population numbers. The monk parakeet was one of the few options left for people who wanted to lawfully purchase a parrot. More than half a million monk parakeets were imported into Mexico as part of the pet trade between 2000 and 2015. Hobson and her colleagues used international trade data to determine that 90% of those birds entered Mexico starting in 2008 and ending in 2014, mostly from Uruguay. The increase in wild monk-parakeet sightings throughout Mexico roughly coincided with the changes in regulations and commercial imports. “This whole invasion seems like it was just a fascinating series of unforeseen consequences of regulation changes,” says Hobson. It’s important to think about how policy changes can both protect human populations and have unexpected negative results — such as the introduction of an invasive species, she says. Setting a baseline Mexico stopped its commercial imports of monk parakeets in 2014 over concerns about the possible spread of avian influenza. The country declared the monk parakeet an invasive species in late 2016, and is required by law to devise a species management plan. This doesn’t necessarily mean the invasion is over, Hobson says, because there are a lot of monk parakeets in Mexico that can escape their owners and reproduce in the wild. It’s also still unclear what effect the animals are having on the country’s native wildlife, urban infrastructure and local economy. The study’s findings punctuate the importance of banning the international trade in parrots, as well as the need for evaluating the unintended consequences of legislative and management action, says Michael Russello, an evolutionary biologist at the University of British Columbia in Kelowna, Canada. The baseline data provided by the study “will be invaluable for tracking the spread and potential establishment of self-sustaining monk-parakeet populations in Mexico moving forward, and monitoring the performance of any management action”, Russello says. Nature doi:10.1038/nature.2017.22653 References Hobson, E. A, Smith-Vidaurre, G. & Salinas-Melgoza, A. PLoS ONE http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0184771 (2017). Show context Russello, M. A, Avery, M. L. & Wright, T. F. BMC Evol. Biol. 8, 217 (2008). ArticlePubMedChemPort Show context Related stories and links

The brilliant way feminist philosopher Simone de Beauvoir outsmarted imposter syndrome

https://qz.com/874930/i-was-suddenly-uncertain-of-my-true-capacity-simone-de-beauvoirs-daring-response-to-imposter-syndrome/ Even the brilliant can suffer from insecurity. In her 1958 autobiography Memoirs of a Dutiful Daughter, Simone de Beauvoir recalls an experience that filled her with biting self-doubt about her intellect. “I was… suddenly uncertain of my true capacity,” she writes. Thankfully, Beauvoir refused to be discouraged. And her daring response to the phenomenon now known as “impostor syndrome” invites us all to reconsider the way we respond to self-doubt. Most conversations about impostor syndrome today suggest it is a feeling that we can readily resisted or overcome. “Realize that everyone else feels like an insecure newbie too, and you’ll be okay,” the popular literature suggests. But this response, common to proponents of pop Stoicism, is ultimately trite. The solution to impostor syndrome, as Beauvoir shows, is not to get a grip on your negative emotions and exercise self-mastery. As we shall see, when presented with impostor beliefs, the philosopher chooses change in the face of self-doubt. And she chooses to pursue that change with others. As a response to adversity, this is striking—and merits exploration in the workplace, in the classroom, and in our broader public and private lives. In her autobiography, Beauvoir recalls her student days at the Sorbonne. There, she met several brilliant peers, including Jean-Paul Sartre—then a student three years her senior. She writes: “Day after day, and all day long I set myself up against Sartre, and in our discussions I was simply not in his class. One morning in the Luxembourg Gardens… I outlined for him that pluralist morality which I had cooked up… he soon demolished it… I argued with him about it for three hours. In the end I had to admit I was beaten: besides, I had realized, in the course of our discussion, that many of my opinions were based only on prejudice, dishonesty, or hastily formed concepts, that my reasoning was at fault and that my ideas were in a muddle.” After debating her philosophical views with Sartre, Beauvoir decides to wholly change how she thinks about things. She describes the experience as leaving her perplexed, her assumptions having been stripped away: “‘I’m no longer sure what I think, nor whether I can be said to think at all,’ I noted, with a sense of anti-climax. I took no credit for that. My curiosity was greater than my pride; I preferred learning to showing off.” Boom! That last remark is incendiary. Beauvoir sees that much of what passes for success and mastery is actually just showing off—seeking admiration, rather than actually getting better at what you do. This is not her way. She doesn’t deal with her insecurities by learning to deliver displays of erudition or analytic acumen. What matters to her is actually striving to become a philosopher. Encountering brilliant peers like Sartre is also a turning point for Beauvoir because it prompts her to take a good long look at herself. She describes this as an unnerving experience: “After so many years of arrogant solitude, it was something serious to discover that I wasn’t the One and Only, but one among many, by no means first, and suddenly uncertain of my true capacity.” Now, Beauvoir has no reason to deny her ability or her competence. She is a student at an excellent university, one of only a handful of women admitted. She will go on to be the youngest person ever to pass the aggrégation in philosophy. But right now, at this moment, she doubts herself because she realizes that she may not be as singularly exceptional as she thought. Beauvoir then has another moment of clarity about her situation. Her male contemporaries are older, and they have had a far better schooling than she. She has had a conservative upbringing and a limiting “sectarian” education. They have not. Given all this, she is at a disadvantage, and it will be harder for her to break into their world. She is correct in her assessment. The pop Stoic guru might argue that we all lack self-confidence, and that the best way to respond to imposter syndrome is to “fix how you feel.” But in the face of accurately observed challenges, this quick fix is revealed as hopelessly irrelevant. There is an Epictetus counsel on not getting ahead of yourself, oft quoted in Stoic blogs on impostor syndrome. In the Discourses, he counsels listeners to yield to the better prepared and the powerful, to those who have the advantage over one, and to “keep quiet, and not be vexed.” But the existentialist response to imposter syndrome is entirely different: Choose to change how you are. Become the person you pretend to be. Confronted with the reality of her “arrogant solitude,” Beauvoir sees that she must overcome such arrogance (both her own and others’) and strive against it. This, she realizes, is an act of rebellion in her culture. She writes: “I didn’t let myself be discouraged; the future suddenly seemed as if it would be much more difficult than I had reckoned but it had also become more real and more certain …. There was everything to be done … to combat error, to find the truth, to tell it and expound it to the world, perhaps to help change the world … Nothing had been done: but everything was possible.” Beauvoir’s bravery is astounding—as is her resoundingly existentialist embrace of her own predicament. As she recognizes the enormity of the challenge that lies ahead, she makes a passionate commitment to change the society that is stacked against her. This is not to say that she sees all of this in a flash. At first, she does not see the need to change the world. Indeed, it was not for some years that Beauvoir grasped the contradiction between her professional and intellectual aspirations and her social situation as a woman in her culture. She has to work with others more, over time, in order to recognize such injustices. And her diaries show that she had to struggle to live up to what she wanted to become. But it also seems that she had quite some fun trying. Beauvoir emphasizes that recognizing that how far she had to go as a philosopher—that she was “not the One and Only”—prompted her to choose a collective way of going forward. “I had been given a great chance: I suddenly didn’t have to face this future all on my own,” she writes. The task of reaching her full intellectual potential is sure to be difficult; but she does not have to face it alone. Sartre will be one companion, and later, her beloved Sylvie le Bon. And there is a twist to the tale of Beauvoir’s philosophical reckoning. Some years later, Sartre has to accept that now he is the wrong one. The woman he called “Valkyrie” has the better of things. She persuaded him that he must take history seriously and showed in Ethics of Ambiguity that his approach does not support an existentialist ethics. It fails to grasp the interdependence of human freedoms and the subsequent moral duty to promote the freedom of others. Sartre changed his philosophy of freedom accordingly, as seen in his late works. Beauvoir, then, offers a thrilling response to impostor syndrome—a forceful reaction to the deadening thought: “I don’t deserve to be here.” Rather than internalizing her insecurities or seeking to brush self-doubt away, she imagines herself as a part of a collective project with others: we shall dare this. She makes a resolute commitment to undertake truth-telling and social transformation. And so she turns adversity into opportunity. This response is not about seeing things differently, as the modern-day Stoics would suggest. It is about doing things differently. And Beauvoir hails others as fellow travelers, as participants with her in a collaborative enterprise. This is a philosophical attitude that we might embrace today. We are in a time of great change, when we will inevitably wonder if we are up to the difficulty of the tasks that lie ahead. Under the circumstances, there may be self-doubt. But it can be useful, if, like Beauvoir, we take it as a dare and meet it together. Sandy Grant is a philosopher at the University of Cambridge and tweets at @TheSandyGrant. Learn how to write for Quartz Ideas. We welcome your comments at ideas@qz.com.

STIGLITZ VS ROBOTS

Economic models are broken, and economists have wildly different ideas about how to fix them Eshe Nelson & Dan Kopf September 14, 2017 Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz Addressing the problems. (Reuters/Shannon Stapleton) https://qz.com/1077549/economic-models-are-broken-and-economists-like-joseph-stiglitz-and-researchers-at-the-bank-of-england-have-wildly-different-ideas-about-how-to-fix-them/ Ten years after the global financial crisis, economists are still puzzling over how they (mostly) failed to predict such a massive crash. Given all the data and experience at their disposal, how did they miss something so consequential? In a new paper (pdf) entitled “Where Modern Macroeconomics Went Wrong,” Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz of Columbia University lays much of the blame on the models used to understand the economy. These Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium (DSGE) models have become increasingly popular among macroeconomists, central bankers, and other analysts. https://www.ineteconomics.org/uploads/papers/Where-Modern-Macroeconomics-Went-Wrong.pdf According to Stiglitz, for an economic model to be useful it should be able to provide insights into the common features of economic downturns and help inform policy responses to them. Better still, the models should be able to predict a crisis. The standard DSGE model is a “poor basis” for policy decisions, he writes, and more than a few tweaks are needed to improve it. “The core of the failings of the DSGE model can be traced to the attempt, decades ago, to reconcile macroeconomics with micro-economics,” writes Stiglitz. Here, Stiglitz challenges one of the primary appeals of DSGE models: their “micro foundations.” This means that all models are built up from the decisions of an individual or “representative agent.” These models generally assume that individuals act to maximize their utility “over an infinite lifetime without borrowing constraints,” he writes. As a result, the models don’t typically incorporate the actual behavior of people, companies, and markets to changes in their circumstances or incentives. This critique has been made before (pdf) and Stiglitz describes three main problems. First, the models haven’t been good enough at predicting economic trends, particularly around crises, because they are built to detect short-term fluctuations and not large shocks. Second, they don’t sufficiently incorporate the significant influence of the finance industry, because the models are better at incorporating information about individuals instead of institutions. Third, shocks in DSGE-based systems assume that they are caused by external factors and don’t account for the fact that some crises arise from within. Ultimately, Stiglitz suggests that models with micro-economic foundations should be replaced with simpler alternatives, like the ones Robert Shiller used before 2007 to warn about the US housing bubble. But instead of scrapping efforts to use micro insights to model the macro economy, researchers at the Bank of England suggest doubling down on a data-heavy approach. In a recent paper (pdf), they also acknowledge the problems with modern economic models. They say that machine learning could address some of these shortfalls by taking advantage of the increasingly large amounts of “micro and high-frequency data” available to central banks and regulators, such as transactions between financial institutions and detailed household consumption patterns. The authors of the central bank’s paper explain that macroeconomic modelling often takes a “deductive” approach, which means starting off with a set of assumptions and arriving at the largest possible generality. Instead, machine learning could encourage an “inductive” approach that would allow economists to analyze a vast amount of data that could be used to detect and investigate underlying patterns. For example, artificial neural networks may find unknown interactions between different variables which can be used to build more accurate economic models. Economists could make a “consistent transition between a micro and macro view of the economy” this way, the researchers write. However, there are still large barriers to machine learning really changing economic models. The Bank of England’s researchers point to a few. One example is that most AI algorithms don’t explain how some outputs are generated from particular inputs, making their results difficult to interpret—this is why some refer to algorithmic systems as “black boxes.” Another problem is that many machine-learning techniques don’t account for the the flow of time, which could lead to either too much or too little focus on certain types of information. Algorithms are still created by humans, so code is susceptible to our mistakes and biases. While Stiglitz recommends taking a step back from micro-economic models, and researchers at the Bank of England suggest a deeper dive into detailed data, it could be that a combination of the two will produce more effective economic models than the ones that have performed so poorly in recent years.

Subject: Call for book proposals: new book series Emerald Studies in Popular Culture & Gender

New book series 'Emerald Studies in Popular Culture & Gender' is commissioning now. We have some exciting volumes planned for the series, which launches next year. http://bit.ly/2uNmCXM Please email me for more info &/or am happy to chat about your book ideas - which can be monographs, or edited, sole- or multi-authored. Please also share with your networks. Thank you. Best wishes, Sam Holland -- Dr Samantha Holland Senior Research Fellow Centre for Diversity, Equity & Inclusion Cavendish Hall, Headingley campus Leeds LS6 3QS UK Acting Editor, Journal of Gender Studies Book series editor, Emerald Studies in Popular Culture & Gender Book series co-editor, Emerald Studies in Alternativity & Marginalisation Book Review editor, Loisir/Leisure

Theories and Major Hypotheses in Ethnobotany

September 2017, Volume 71, Issue 3, pp 269–287 | Cite as Authors Authors and affiliations Orou G. GaoueEmail authorMichael A. CoeMatthew BondGeorgia HartBarnabas C. SeylerHeather McMillen Orou G. Gaoue1234 Email author View author's OrcID profile Michael A. Coe1 Matthew Bond1 Georgia Hart1 Barnabas C. Seyler1 Heather McMillen15 1.Department of BotanyUniversity of Hawai‘i at MānoaHonoluluUSA 2.Faculty of AgronomyUniversity of ParakouParakouBenin 3.Department of Geography, Environmental Management and Energy StudiesUniversity of JohannesburgJohannesburgSouth Africa 4.Department of Ecology and Evolutionary BiologyUniversity of TennesseeKnoxvilleUSA 5.U.S. Forest Service, Northern Research StationNew York City Urban Field StationBaysideUSA Review First Online: 07 September 2017 3 Shares Abstract Ethnobotany has evolved from a discipline that largely documented the diversity of plant use by local people to one focused on understanding how and why people select plants for a wide range of uses. This progress has been in response to a repeated call for theory-inspired and hypothesis-driven research to improve the rigor of the discipline. Despite improvements, recent ethnobotanical research has overemphasized the use of quantitative ethnobotany indices and statistical methods borrowed from ecology, yet underemphasized the development and integration of a strong theoretical foundation. To advance the field of ethnobotany as a hypothesis-driven, theoretically inspired discipline, it is important to first synthesize the existing theoretical lines of research. We review and discuss 17 major theories and hypotheses in ethnobotany that can be used as a starting point for developing research questions that advance our understanding of people–plant interactions. For each theory or major hypothesis, we identify its primary predictions and testable hypotheses and then discuss how these predictions have been tested. Developing research to test these predictions will make significant contributions to the field of ethnobotany and create the critical mass of primary literature necessary to develop meta-analyses and to advance new theories in ethnobotany. Key Words Hypothesis-driven research medicinal plant selection optimal defense theory utilitarian redundancy model taboo as luxury theory in ethnobotany. Literature Cited Aarssen, L. W. 1997. On the progress of ecology. Oikos 80:177–178. CrossRefGoogle Scholar Albuquerque, U. P. 2006. Re-examining hypotheses concerning the use and knowledge of medicinal plants a study in the Caatinga vegetation of NE Brazil. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 2:(30): 1-10 Google Scholar ———. 2009. Quantitative ethnobotany or quantification in ethnobotany? Ethnobotany Research and Applications 7:1–3. CrossRefGoogle Scholar ———., and R. F. de Oliveira. 2007. 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Identity in a medicine cabinet: Discursive positions of Andean migrants towards their use of herbal remedies in the United Kingdom

Soc Sci Med. 2017 Mar;177:43-51. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.01.026. Epub 2017 Jan 19. Ceuterick M1, Vandebroek I2. Author information 1 Division of Pharmacy Practice, University of Bradford, Richmond Building, Richmond Road, Bradford BD7 1DP, West Yorkshire, United Kingdom. Electronic address: melissaceuterick@hotmail.com. 2 The New York Botanical Garden, Institute of Economic Botany, 2900 Southern Boulevard, The Bronx, New York 10458, USA; Yale University, School of Forestry & Environmental Studies, 195 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT 06511, USA; Biology PhD Program, Graduate Center, The City University of New York, 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016, USA. Abstract This study explores different rationales for using herbal remedies among people from Andean descent in the United Kingdom, using positioning theory as a conceptual framework. By analysing processes of positioning in narratives about healthcare choices conducted with 40 Bolivian and Peruvian migrants in London (between 2005 and 2009), we examine in which ways talking about personal preferences for herbal medicine can be constitutive of one's health identity. The results reveal three distinct discursive repertoires that frame the use of herbal remedies either as a tradition, a health-conscious consumer choice, or as a coping strategy, each allowing specific health identity outcomes. An enhanced understanding of how people make sense of their use of traditional, plant-based medicines enables healthcare professionals to better assist patients in making meaningful decisions about their health. Through illustrating how treatment choices are discursively linked with identity, the present results debunk the tendency to perceive patients with a migration background as one homogenous group and thus urge for a patient centred approach. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. KEYWORDS: Andean migrants; Discourse analysis; Health identity; Herbal remedies; London (United Kingdom); Positioning theory PMID: 28157568 DOI: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.01.026

The genus Psiadia: Review of traditional uses, phytochemistry and pharmacology

Journal of Ethnopharmacology Volume 210, 10 January 2018, Pages 48-68 Mahadeo K1, Grondin I2, Kodja H3, Soulange Govinden J4, Jhaumeer Laulloo S5, Frederich M6, Gauvin-Bialecki A7. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jep.2017.08.023 1 Laboratoire de Chimie des Substances Naturelles et des Sciences des Aliments, Faculté des Sciences et Technologies, Université de la Réunion, 15 Avenue René Cassin, BP 7151, St Denis Messag Cedex 9, La Réunion 97 715, France. Electronic address: keshika.mahadeo@univ-reunion.fr. 2 Laboratoire de Chimie des Substances Naturelles et des Sciences des Aliments, Faculté des Sciences et Technologies, Université de la Réunion, 15 Avenue René Cassin, BP 7151, St Denis Messag Cedex 9, La Réunion 97 715, France. Electronic address: isabelle.grondin@univ-reunion.fr. 3 UMR Qualisud, Université de La Réunion, BP 7151, 15 Avenue René Cassin, 97744 Saint-Denis Cedex 09, La Réunion, France. Electronic address: hippolyte.kodja@univ-reunion.fr. 4 Department of Agriculture and Food Science, Faculty of Agriculture, The University of Mauritius, Mauritius. Electronic address: joyces@uom.ac.mu. 5 Department of Chemistry, Faculty of Science, The University of Mauritius, Mauritius. Electronic address: sabina@uom.ac.mu. 6 Université de Liège, Département de Pharmacie, Centre Interfacultaire de Recherche sur le Médicament (CIRM), Laboratoire de Pharmacognosie, Campus du Sart-Tilman, Quartier Hôpital, Avenue Hippocrate, 15 B36 4000 Liège, Belgium. Electronic address: M.Frederich@ulg.ac.be. 7 Laboratoire de Chimie des Substances Naturelles et des Sciences des Aliments, Faculté des Sciences et Technologies, Université de la Réunion, 15 Avenue René Cassin, BP 7151, St Denis Messag Cedex 9, La Réunion 97 715, France. Electronic address: anne.bialecki@univ-reunion.fr. Abstract Ethnopharmacological relevance The genus Psiadia Jacq. ex. Willd. belongs to the Asteraceae family and includes more than 60 species. This genus grows in tropical and subtropical regions, being especially well represented in Madagascar and the Mascarene Islands (La Réunion, Mauritius and Rodrigues). Several Psiadia species have been used traditionally for their medicinal properties in Africa and the Mascarene Islands. Based on traditional knowledge, various phytochemical and pharmacological studies have been conducted. However there are no recent papers that provide an overview of the medicinal potential of Psiadia species. Therefore, the aim of this review is to provide a comprehensive summary of the botany, phytochemistry and pharmacology of Psiadia and to highlight the gaps in our knowledge for future research opportunities. Materials and methods The available information on traditional uses, phytochemistry and biological activities of the genus Psiadia was collected from scientific databases through a search using the keyword ‘Psiadia’ in ‘Google Scholar’, ‘Pubmed’, ‘Sciencedirect’, ‘SpringerLink’, ‘Web of Science’, ‘Wiley’ and ‘Scifinder’. Additionally, published books and unpublished Ph.D. and MSc. dissertations were consulted for botanical information and chemical composition. Results Historically, species of the genus Psiadia have been used to treat a wide range of ailments including abdominal pains, colds, fevers, bronchitis, asthma, rheumatoid arthritis, skin infections and liver disorders among others. Phytochemical works led to the isolation of flavonoids, phenylpropanoids, coumarins and terpenoids. Furthermore, phytochemical compositions of the essential oils of some species have been evaluated. Crude extracts, essential oils and isolated molecules showed in vitro pharmacological activities, such as antimicrobial, anti-viral, anti-inflammatory, antiplasmodial and antileishmanial activities. Crude extracts of Psiadia dentata and Psiadia arguta have specifically been found to be potentially useful for inhibition of growth of Plasmodium falciparum. However, pharmacological data on this particular genus is quite limited. Further research is necessary to determine the active compounds and the underlying mechanisms. Graphical abstract fx1 Download high-res image (101KB)Download full-size image Keywords Psiadia Terpenoids Flavonoids Antiplasmodial Antimicrobial

Why Rembrandt’s Night Watch Is So Famous

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Potent Phosphodiesterase Inhibition and Nitric Oxide Release Stimulation of Anti-Impotence Thai Medicinal Plants from "MANOSROI III" Database

Evid Based Complement Alternat Med. 2017;2017:9806976. doi: 10.1155/2017/9806976. Epub 2017 Jul 25. Manosroi A1,2,3, Tangjai T3,4, Chankhampan C1,2,3, Manosroi W5, Najarut Y1, Kitdamrongtham W1,2, Manosroi J1,2,3. Author information 1 Manosé Health and Beauty Research Center, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand. 2 Faculty of Science and Technology, North-Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 50230, Thailand. 3 Research Administration Center, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand. 4 Faculty of Pharmacy, Payap University, Chiang Mai 50000, Thailand. 5 Faculty of Medicine, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand. Abstract Seven plants in the top rank were selected from the "MANOSROI III" database using the two Thai keywords which meant impotence and sexual tonic. Boesenbergia rotunda (L.) Mansf. extract [EDP1-001(1)] gave the highest PDE inhibition activity of 4.36-fold sildenafil, a standard anti-impotence drug. Plumbago indica Linn. extract [EDP2-001(1)] exhibited the highest NO release stimulation activity of 666.85% which was 1.50-fold acetylcholine, a standard drug. Most selected plant extracts were nontoxic to EA.hy926 cells at 1.0 mg/mL. EDP1-001(1) exhibited the LD50 value of acute oral toxicity in male ICR mice of over 5,000 mg/kg body weight. EDP1-001(1) also indicated the improvement of sexual behaviors in the paroxetine-induced sexual dysfunction male mice with the evaluation of number of courtships (NC), mount frequency (MF), intromission frequency (IF), and ejaculatory frequency (EF) at 87.67 ± 6.17, 121.00 ± 23.50, 36.00 ± 3.21, and 13.67 ± 2.96 which were 2.63-, 1.27-, 0.53-, and 0.62-fold sildenafil-treated mice at day 14 of the treatments, respectively. The present study has not only confirmed the traditional use of Thai plants for the treatment of ED but also indicated the potential and application of the "MANOSROI III" database for Thai plant selection to be developed as ED food supplements. PMID: 28811831 PMCID: PMC5547717 DOI: 10.1155/2017/9806976 Free PMC Article

Jamaica Puts a Different Face on the Runways

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The science of being nice

The word “nice” has an unusual history in the English language. Originally a term for “foolish”, its meaning over the centuries has morphed from “wanton” to “reserved” to “fastidious”. These days, it has become a somewhat bland and opaque description of personality: “she’s really nice.” But its common usage hints at the characteristics that matter deeply to us. Personality psychology can help unsnarl some of these fuzzy concepts. Recent research suggests that our tendency to be “nice” can be separated into two related but distinct personality traits: politeness and compassion. We see these differences play out in social decision making, where politeness is linked to being fair and compassion to helping others. A tale of two traits Decades of research have shown that personality traits describing how well we treat others are often observed together. These are summarised by the term agreeableness, one of five broad dimensions capturing the majority of human personality. Some of our most valued qualities — kindness, integrity, empathy, modesty, patience, and trustworthiness — are nestled within this dimension. They are instilled in us at an early age and reflect important standards through which we judge others and ourselves. But are there exceptions to this cluster of “nice” personality traits? What about your big-hearted but foul-mouthed friend, or a well-mannered but distant acquaintance? It turns out that agreeableness can be meaningfully divided into two narrower traits. Politeness refers to our tendency to be respectful of others versus being aggressive. It’s about good manners and adhering to societal rules and norms — what we’d see in upstanding, decent folks, or “good citizens”, if you will. In contrast, compassion refers to our tendency to be emotionally concerned about others versus being cold-hearted — what we’d see in the proverbial “good Samaritan”. Clearly, these two characteristics often go hand in hand, but they also diverge from one other in interesting ways. For example, studies on political ideology show that politeness is associated with a conservative outlook and more traditional moral values, while compassion is associated with liberalism and progressive values. One view is that politeness and compassion are linked to different brain systems — politeness with those governing aggression, and compassion with those regulating social bonding and affiliation. We see some evidence for this in neuroimaging research, where compassion — not politeness — is related to structural differences in brain regions involved in empathic responses. Have you read? We’re really good at forgetting all the bad things we’ve done Where are children getting the best education? Politeness and compassion in economic games Our research has examined how politeness and compassion translate into different kinds of behaviours. We did this using social decision-making tasks called economic games, which involve fairness, cooperation, and punishment. Economic games have a long history in behavioural economics and evolutionary biology, where they have helped debunk assumptions of human selfishness with evidence for our altruism. But can altruism in these games be explained by people’s politeness, compassion, or both? We began with the dictator game, a task in which a person is asked to divide a fixed sum of money with an anonymous stranger. Our results showed that traditional economic predictions were wrong on two counts. Not only did people not behave selfishly, they behaved in different ways depending on their personality. Notably, polite people were more likely to split the money fairly than their rude counterparts. Surprisingly, we did not see this for compassion, which may indicate that sharing money with a stranger doesn’t necessarily arouse emotional concern. \ But what if that stranger is actually in need of help? We studied this kind of scenario using a third-party recompensation game. In this task, a person observes an unfair division of money between two people and is given the chance to donate their own money to the victim. Here, compassionate people gave away more money than their cold-hearted counterparts. Polite bystanders were not selfish per se — we know this because they were willing to part with their money in the dictator game just moments earlier. But they were no more likely than anyone else to intervene when bearing witness to the mistreatment of others. These studies highlight some crucial differences between good citizens and good Samaritans. Polite people don’t necessarily help those in need, but they are fair-minded and peaceable. Meanwhile, compassionate people aren’t necessarily even-handed and rule-abiding, but they are responsive to the misfortunes of others. What kind of ‘nice’ should we be? In light of growing evidence that our personality can be changed, should we be trying to cultivate our politeness or our compassion? Our capacity to empathise with others is often hailed as the key to healing social divisions. And while excessive politeness sometimes gets a bad rap, consider how easily society would descend into conflict if people acted aggressively and exploitatively, eschewing basic social rules. Ultimately, good citizens and good Samaritans each have a role to play if we are to get along with others. Perhaps politeness and compassion are best captured in the principle: If you can, help others; if you cannot do that, at least do not harm them. Personality research suggests that although these twin virtues stem from separate strands of human nature, we can strive for both. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/08/telling-your-kids-to-be-nice-wont-make-them-better-people-heres-why?utm_content=buffer54777&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer

New Cytotoxic Triterpenoid Saponins from the Roots of Albizia gummifera C.A. Smith.

Chem Biodivers. 2017 Sep 6. doi: 10.1002/cbdv.201700260. [Epub ahead of print] Simo LM1,2, Noté OP1,2, Mbing JN2, Aouazou SA1, Guillaume D3, Muller CD1, Pegnyemb DE2, Lobstein A1. Author information 1 Laboratoire d'Innovation Thérapeutique, UMR 7200, Faculté de Pharmacie, CNRS-Université de Strasbourg, 74 route du Rhin, F-67401, Illkirch Cedex, France. 2 Laboratoire de Pharmacochimie des Substances Naturelles, Département de Chimie Organique, Faculté de Sciences, Université de Yaoundé I, BP 812, Yaoundé, Cameroun. 3 Laboratoire de Chimie Thérapeutique, UMR7312, Université de Reims, 51 rue Cognacq-Jay, 51100, Reims, France. Abstract As part of our search of new bioactive saponins from Cameroonian medicinal plants, two new oleanane-type saponins, named gummiferaosides D-E (1-2), along with one known saponin, julibroside J8 (3), were isolated from the roots of Albizia gummifera. Their structures were established on the basis of extensive 1D and 2D NMR (1 H-, 13 C-NMR, DEPT, COSY, TOCSY, NOESY, HSQC, HSQC-TOCSY and HMBC) and HRESIMS studies, and by chemical evidence. The apoptotic effect of saponins 1-3 was evaluated on the A431 human epidermoid cancer cell. Flow cytometric analyses showed that saponins 1-3 induced apoptosis of human epidermoid cancer cell (A431) in a dose-dependent manner. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved. KEYWORDS: Albizia gummifera ; Mimosaceae; Triterpenoid saponins; apoptosis of human epidermoid cancer cell A431 PMID: 28877411 DOI: 10.1002/cbdv.201700260

This Once-Obscure Fruit Is On Its Way To Becoming PawPaw-Pawpular

http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2017/09/15/550985844/this-once-obscure-fruit-is-on-its-way-to-becoming-pawpaw-pawpular September 15, 20177:00 AM ET Ally Schweitzer From WAMU 88.5 Heard of the pawpaw? It's a custard-like fruit native to North America — and it's growing in popularity. Here, a few pawpaw varieties from the Deep Run Pawpaw Orchard in Maryland. Tyrone Turner/WAMU In the Deep Run Pawpaw Orchard outside of Westminster, Md., Donna Davis is showing me how the pros eat a pawpaw. She jams her thumbs into the fruit's soft green skin and splits it open, innards oozing. "Just suck out the flesh," she instructs, slurping up the yellow meat. "They can [taste like] a cross between maybe a mango and a banana. Some people taste little hints of pineapple." She hands me a chunk — and mmm. It's sweet and custardy. I taste banana pudding. Davis pauses, makes a funny face and spits out a mahogany pawpaw seed the size of a gigante bean. And just like that, it feels like autumn has arrived. September is pawpaw season in a large swath of the U.S. This month, Davis and her husband, Jim, are plucking the mango-sized treats from trees in their orchard, depositing them carefully into bins so as not to damage the pawpaw's squishy flesh. They sell them to farmers markets and online gourmet stores, who advertise them as delicacies and price them at nearly $15 a pound. Yet plenty of people have no clue the pawpaw exists. The Davises are among a handful of local pawpaw growers. You won't find the fruits in most grocery stores, even though they're native to North America. American Indians harvested them, and it's been said George Washington liked to eat chilled pawpaw for dessert. But much of the pawpaw's natural habitat was destroyed by development, and they're not that easy to cultivate. They need slightly acidic, well-drained soil, and harvesting them is labor-intensive. The Pawpaw: Foraging For America's Forgotten Fruit The Salt The Pawpaw: Foraging For America's Forgotten Fruit But the Davises, who planted their trees in the '90s, gladly accepted the challenge. "They said it couldn't be done," Davis says, laughing. "I think that's why my husband started [the orchard]." Since the Davises began harvesting, interest in the pawpaw has grown. The locavore food movement has embraced the fruit. Now there are restaurants whipping up pawpaw pie and pawpaw gelato, and local breweries are starting to make pawpaw beer. So while the fruit already had a long list of nicknames — Quaker Delight, the Hillbilly Mango — now it's earned another one: the hipster banana. The inside of a pawpaw is soft and gooey. Tyrone Turner/WAMU At the fifth annual Pawpaw Festival last weekend in Montgomery County, Md., it's clear the pawpaw craze is well underway. Karen Holt is standing in line at the Meadowside Nature Center in Derwood, Md., waiting to pay $50 for 10 large pawpaws. She drove over from a nearby county — and arrived two hours early, just in case. "I got my pawpaws!" she says, clutching paper bags brimming with the soft fruit. Holt says she plans to make pawpaw pie, but most people seem content to just eat them right out of their skin. Parents queue up at the tasting table, tipping paper cups filled with pawpaw into their kids' mouths. Grace Ruiz, who's here with her mom, says they taste like peaches. Others describe the flavor almost like wine. Some said they detect notes of vanilla, caramel and coconut. One attendee compared the taste to bread flour. Tiny Desk Kitchen: Ever Had A Pawpaw? http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2017/09/15/550985844/this-once-obscure-fruit-is-on-its-way-to-becoming-pawpaw-pawpular Credit: Allison Aubrey, Claire O'Neill, Maggie Starbard Just an hour into the festival, most pawpaws are sold out. But some attendees are walking out with pawpaw trees. Arthur Rypinski is one of the buyers. "I'm gonna plant it in my backyard, where we have kind of a swampy, shady spot," he says, contrary to pawpaw growers' advice. He admits he doesn't have much of a green thumb. He calls himself a "slayer of plants." "I will try not to [kill this tree]," he says, "but the record is not good." Behind him, other pawpaw hobbyists wait to pay for their trees. Fortunately, the pawpaw's future isn't in his hands alone. This story comes to us from member station WAMU in Washington, D.C.