Management and Traditional Production of Beaked Hazelnut (k'áp'xw-az', Corylus cornuta; Betulaceae) in British Columbia

Human Ecology August 2018, Volume 46, Issue 4, pp 547–559 | Cite as Authors Authors and affiliations Chelsey Geralda ArmstrongEmail authorWal’ceckwu Marion DixonNancy J. Turner Chelsey Geralda Armstrong 1Email author Wal’ceckwu Marion Dixon 2 Nancy J. Turner 3 1.Department of AnthropologyNational Museum of Natural History (Smithsonian Institute)WashingtonUSA 2.Nlaka’pamux Nation in southeast British ColumbiaLyttonCanada 3.Environmental StudiesUniversity of VictoriaVictoriaCanada Article First Online: 08 August 2018 138 Downloads Abstract Hazelnuts (Corylus spp.; Betulaceae) constitute an important food, technology, textile, and medicine resource for Indigenous peoples across Canada. As with other types of traditional ecological knowledge and wisdom, the legacy of residential schools, ongoing colonialism, and continued land degradation and development have affected how people remember and use this vital plant. This contribution focuses on the memories and stories of Elder Wal’ceckwu (Marion Dixon) from the Nlaka’pamux Nation (Interior Salish) of British Columbia to help foster the re-emergence of hazelnut management in her community and beyond. Using ethnoecological, archaeological, and ethnohistoric data, as well as drawing on the memories of other Elders and knowledge holders throughout British Columbia, we hope to draw connections between people and place, and to emphasize how they can preserve knowledge and links to homelands in an ecologically informed and socially just way. Keywords Ethnobotany Ethnoecology Hazelnut Historical ecology Paleoethnotbotany Traditional resource management British Columbia Nlaka’pamux nation Access to this content is enabled by The University of British Columbia Library (UBC) Introduction For over 12,000 years, the Pacific Northwest has been home to numerous cultures and communities whose survival, and sometimes prosperity, was dependent on land-based intergenerational knowledge and experience. The Western concept of the Pacific Northwest as an unspoiled and wild landscape has not only erased Indigenous peoples and their longstanding knowledge and history from the land, but has also skewed our scientific understanding of biological worlds that we now know have been altered by humans for millennia. For example, Indigenous peoples throughout British Columbia (BC) actively managed, tended, and even cultivated a long list of supposedly “wild” plant species (Comberti et al. 2015; Deur 2000; Deur and Turner 2005; Downs 2006; Turner 2014). This research focuses on the management history of one of the many important plants for Indigenous peoples in BC: beaked hazelnut (Corylus cornuta Marsh; Betulaceae). Hazelnut constitutes an important food, technology, and medicine and provides a host of ecosystem services for Indigenous peoples and farmers (see Comberti et al. 2015) and ecological functions for land management initiatives throughout the province (Kuhnlein and Turner 1991; McDonald 2005; Nesom 2006; O’Dell and Argen 2013). We compiled archaeological surveys, literature reviews, and ethnographic information to understand how hazelnut was valued, used, and managed in the past, and to what extent those values and practices relate to its present use, consumption, and management. Hazelnut is still perceived as a somewhat forgotten and obscure plant, like a number of other formerly important traditional food plants in the Pacific Northwest (Turner and Turner 2008). Residential schools, disenfranchisement, and ongoing colonialism have played monumental roles in the erasure of Indigenous land-based knowledge and wisdom. This is especially true for the use and management of hazelnut. According to the author, Wal’ceckwu (Marion), whom anthropologists have interviewed for decades, “no one ever asked me about hazelnut.” Although Turner’s collaborative work with late Nlaka’pamux Elder Annie York recorded important practices and ethnobotanical properties of hazelnut (Turner et al. 1990; Turner 2014), few in BC are aware that native hazelnut even grows there, let alone that it was, as Marion puts it “one of my grandmother’s most important plants.” Hazelnut Overview and Archaeology Worldwide over 25 species have been described in the genus Corylus, commonly called hazelnut, cobnut, or filbert (Bassil et al. 2005). In British Columbia, one species, Corylus cornuta (two varieties are present in BC: var. cornuta and var. californica) grows in low to mid-elevations in moist soil or rocky outcrops (Pojar and Mackinnon 2004). Tolerant of both shade and open sun, they are most productive in open woods and moist thickets. Hazelnuts purchased from the grocery store and global food markets are mostly genotypes of the cultivar Corylus avellana L., (C. maxima L. is more often considered a polymorphic form of C. avellana). C. avellana is the world’s fourth most economically important nut crop, domesticated in Turkey and/or the Caucasus region around 5000 years BP (Bassil et al. 2005; Martins et al. 2015). Domesticated hazelnut grows from a large central trunk and produces a dozen or so nuts per cluster. The native beaked hazelnut in British Columbia is more shrub-like, with multiple stems per bush and can grow up to 10 m tall (Fig. 1). It produces only two–five nuts per cluster and the nuts are slightly smaller than the commercial forms. As members of the birch family (Betulaceae) — although in Europe this group is sometimes divided into two families (Betulaceae; Alnus and Betula and Corylaceae; Carpinus, Ostrya, Corylus, and Ostryopsis), (e.g., Bousquet et al. 1992) — hazelnuts are related to birches and alders, and are similarly monoecious dicots (producing separate male pollen catkins and female flowers on the same bush). The plants are wind-pollinated with pollination occurring early in the spring before the leaves have expanded, but in most cases they propagate vegetatively by sending shoots out from a single root crown (see Klinkenberg 2017). Open image in new windowFig. 1 Fig. 1 Shrubby native hazelnut near Hazelton BC. Photo: Chelsey Geralda Armstrong Beaked hazelnut and the closely related American hazelnut (C. americana Walt.) are valued as food and medicinal plants for Indigenous peoples across North America and were used by Algonquin, Cree, Mi’kmaq, and Maliseet peoples (Moerman 1998), and by many groups of British Columbia, including Straits Salish, Halq’eméylem, Squamish, and Nuu-chah-nulth on the Coast, and Nlaka’pamux, Stl’atl’imx (Lillooet), Syilx (Okanagan-Colville), Secwepemc (Shuswap), Ktunaxa (Kootenay) in the BC Interior, and the Nisga’a and Gitxsan in the north, as well as by virtually all Indigenous peoples of Western Washington (Kuhnlein and Turner 1991). This research, while focusing on Nlaka’pamux and Gitxsan relationships to hazelnut, also draws on the relationships of a number of BC First Nation communities to this important species. Archaeological data provide deep time insights to ethnobotanical research and help inform narratives of past and ongoing plant-use. While ethnohistoric and ethnographic information provide specific and synchronic records, paleoethnobotanical evidence can complement the stories of ancestors and add historical-ecological contexts while revealing long-term relationships between people and their inhabited landscapes (Denham et al. 2016; Lepofsky 2004). Hazelnuts are dry fruits with a single seed covered in a tough woody pericarp (shell). Archaeologically, the hazelnut pericarp will preserve under most conditions since it does not decompose as readily as other seeds and fleshy fruits. The occurrence of hazelnut fruit and pericarps at various archaeological sites in BC (Fig. 2) indicates ancient harvests from which shells were deposited in ancestral homes, processing contexts, and seasonal camps, then unearthed in contemporary times to remind descendant communities of their longstanding connections to this plant. Open image in new windowFig. 2 Fig. 2 Hazelnut points of interest in British Columbia. Note the disjunct (isolated) hazelnut population in the northwest, which may be directly related to the California hazelnut in the south, the result of an ancient translocation. Also featured are some archaeological sites with hazelnut remains The paleoecological record is also informative; at Cranberry Lake in southwest Washington, hazelnut appears in the pollen record in abundance in the early-Holocene (before the Mazama Ash, 6800 BP), indicating the potential for human interaction for at least 7000 years (Leopold and Boyd 1999). Hazelnut has been recovered from at least ten archaeological sites in British Columbia where intentional paleoethnobotanical sampling or careful surface collection was undertaken. The excavation of DhRp-52, roughly 40 km east of Vancouver, unearthed over 36 plant taxa represented by seeds, nuts, and conifer needles. Most famously, a 3800-year-old wapato (Sagittaria latifolia Willd.; Indian potato) garden was discovered, along with less famous 3213 waterlogged hazelnut shell and nut fragments (CAL 4100–3200 BP) (Hoffmann et al. 2016; Lyons et al. 2018). Because plants can be deposited by both natural and cultural processes, and because hazelnuts are eaten and dispersed by squirrels, deer, Steller’s Jays, and grouse, archaeologists developed experimental strategies to test whether the hazelnuts from DhRp-52 were of ancient origin or whether they had been deposited later by animals.1 Contemporary farmed hazelnuts that were cracked by a family dog from Holmquist Orchards in Lynden, Washington, were collected and compared with shells cracked open by squirrels, and those excavated from the DhRp-52 archaeological site. Archaeologists concluded that the clean and straight cut marks on the archaeological specimens did not resemble the fracture patterns from the animals (teeth marks) or natural decay (KDC 2010). In the northwest of BC, hazelnut fragments were excavated from a continuously occupied Ts’msyen (Tsimshian) habitation site and were dated to AD 1920–1952 (Martindale and Jurakic 2004). The occurrence of hazelnut in this context is peculiar for two reasons. First, the archaeological site is well outside the contemporary distribution of hazelnut, and second, the closest hazelnut stands are part of a northern disjunct (or isolated) population along the Skeena and Kispiox Rivers, hypothesized to have resulted from ancient translocations (see below). Archaeobotanical remains excavated beyond the range of their distribution are often flagged as anthropogenic in origin, and to some extent managed (Fritz 2000; Lepofsky and Lertzman 2008; Minnis 2004). Several charred fragments of hazelnut shell were also found at the base of a cache pit at Gitwangak (Lyons 2017), located near Hazelton, BC, where disjunct hazelnut populations remain. Archaeological correlates to nut production such as hammer stones, grinding stones, storage pits, and roasting pits are ubiquitous at archaeological sites but no work, to our knowledge, has be done to correlate these material remains specifically to hazelnut production and consumption in BC. Charred hazelnut shell fragments have also been found at several archaeological sites across southern BC. On the Harrison River, in Sts’ailes territory, six charred hazelnut fragments were found distributed between three processing pits, likely discarded after consumption (Lyons and Morgan 2017). In a rock shelter known as Tcutcawi’xa, near Hedley, BC (DhRa-2), roughly 50 hazelnut shell fragments were recovered from two excavation units (Chris Arnett, Armstrong, personal communication). In the steep narrow valley of Kwoiek Creek in contemporary Nlaka’pamux territory (Kanaka Bar Indian Band), hazelnut fragments were found associated with a pithouse and a rock shelter (Lyons 2013). Hazelnuts in hearths could have been accidentally deposited while roasting or their oily shells were intentionally burned for fuel (a notable use for hazelnut shells worldwide), e.g., east of Kwoiek Creek, at an archaeological site (EeRb-140) near Kamloops BC, homeland of the Secwepemc Nation, dated 1200–200 BP (Wollstonecroft 2000; Wollstonecroft 2002). Hazelnuts were an important plant for Secwepemc peoples, not only in the distant past but also as an important trade item with fur traders according to trader Archibald McDonald ([1827] in Ignace and Ignace 2016). Further east, in the traditional territories of the Sintixt and Ktunaxa Nations, charred fragments of hazelnut were found associated with lithics and fire-cracked rock on the shores of Arrow Lakes (Ursus Heritage Consulting 2015). In order to fill the gaps in archaeological interpretations and restore knowledge erased by colonial disenfranchisement, our research compiles ethnographic and ethnohistoric data to consider the role of hazelnut in the past. Using literature reviews and interviews with Indigenous Elders and knowledge holders, we present an overview of the important uses and management strategies for hazelnut. Methods At the core of this research are the memories and stories of Wal’ceckwu Marion Dixon (née Johnnie), an Elder of the Nlaka’pamux Nation (Interior Salish) in southern BC. Since she was two years old, Marion lived with her grandparents on the land and somewhat in isolation from expanding settler-colonialism for over 12 years (she was consistently hidden from residential school agents). She fished, hunted deer and bear, trained alone for power in isolated places, tended gardens, and picked berries and hazelnuts (Fig. 3). Open image in new windowFig. 3 Fig. 3 Clockwise from left, Marion’s grandmother and great uncle with Marion (perhaps 2 years old) bundled on the packhorse above Spuzzum and Anderson Creek. Marion pictured along CN rail track at the age of 4 or 5. Marion, her mother Lena Johnnie (née Charlie) and grandmother Annie Charlie picking berries and hazelnuts with tumpline and baskets on the Coquihalla. Marion’s Grandfather Patrick Charlie, grandmother Annie and uncle Art Charlie in front of their log cabin in 1937 Both formal and informal interviews with farmers (n = 6, 3 female and 3 male), those generally interested in wild foods (n = 3 all female), and First Nation community members (n = 12, 3 male and 9 female) were conducted over 2 yrs (2014–2016) to better understand the ethnobiological properties (eco-human dynamics) of beaked hazelnut in BC. All interviews consisted of semi-structured conversations occurring on the land (on farms or near hazelnut stands), except for five interviews indoors largely due to the age and compromised mobility of Elders. Specifically, Armstrong conducted four sets of interviews with Marion who, given her extensive contribution to the research, was asked to co-author the paper and comment on other aspects of the research. All of Marion’s contributions (below) were recorded, transcribed, and approved in person. John Haugan, Restorative Justice Coordinator and Lytton Band Council member facilitated Marion’s contributions and edits to other parts of the paper. In addition to the many interviews and conversations with Marion, semi-structured interviews were also conducted with Indigenous community members from the Skeena River region (Gitsm’geelm, Kitselas, and Gitxsan territories) in northwest BC. The content of interviews focused on ethnobotanical properties of hazelnut such as their uses for food, fuel, medicine, and building materials. We also asked about the management history and specific harvesting techniques that increase the productivity and proclivity of hazelnut. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and manually coded for key terms such as “medicine,” “management,” “squirrels,” and “food.” Literature on hazelnut use by Indigenous peoples and botanical floras of the province were compiled to better determine its taxonomic and phytogeographical status. Results and Discussion Results from ethnographic and ethnohistoric data are presented based on ethnoecological research and analyses (by Armstrong and Turner) and Marion’s extended experiences with the plant and her Nlaka’pamux worldviews. The results are discussed in the context of hazelnut management and its uses as food, medicine, and as a dynamic technology. The Pesky or Helpful Squirrel? During interviews, an overwhelming majority of participants mention the “pesky squirrels” that compete with harvesters to gather nuts in the late summer and early fall. The native red squirrel (Tamiasciurus hudsonicus), whose range overlaps with hazelnut in BC, causes the most strife for pickers and farmers. Marion recalls one method of outsmarting the small rodents using decoy plots: “…to get them away you pick a whole bunch, the leftovers from last year that are not in the wrappers [involucres] anymore. We take them and we a dig a little trench far away from the trees where we had our bushes and then, we put them over there so the squirrels are all busy over there while we’re [picking]…” Hazelnut ripens sporadically by plant, but predictably in its timing (late August–September). Depending on the latitude, for two–three weeks in the late summer the nuts are ready to pick. The green husks (involucres) soften and begin to open, exposing the tough woody pericarp (shell surrounding the nut). Some have taken to picking early to beat the squirrels then allow the nuts to ripen indoors. In northern BC, some Gitxsan people had their own means for dealing with squirrels. Sim’oogit (Chief) T’enim Gyet (Art Matthews) remembers: “…the squirrels help us…we don’t pick [the hazelnut], we cheat. We wait for the squirrels to clean and cache them so we don’t have to.” Sim’oogit T’enim Gyet describes harvesting hazelnuts from squirrel caches that can be found around hazelnut groves by using sticks to poke for loose soil or by observing anomalies in leaf formation patterns as they fall to the ground, as he did when he was young. Stl1atl1imx (Lillooet) harvesters noted that squirrel caches (spúl’pel’) were viable hazelnut stores for both humans and bears (Turner et al. 1987). Gathering food resources from rodents or “raiding caches” was also common practice in Europe and relatively common across North America; in Siberia, it was common to only take a fraction of nuts from a cache and provide offerings so that the rodents would survive and provide more food in the following years (see Ståhlberg and Svanberg 2010). Annie York (Nlaka’pamux) recorded stories of winter dances and potlatches in Spuzzum, BC, during the early twentieth century and recalled the close connection between squirrel and hazelnut: “I seen an old lady there once — she wasn’t no bigger than this (four feet approx.). Her power was a chipmunk and a squirrel. She’d never dance unless you brought her a basket of hazelnuts. She was a beautiful dancer. Not the scary kind. She has a robe made out of squirrel. I cried when I saw the squirrel tails. ‘Gee’, I thought, ‘they must have killed a lot of squirrels.’…She was from [the village of] Skeluleʔełx.” (Laforet and York 1998:151). At the right time of year and throughout hazelnut groves in BC, piles of hazelnut husks and shells are conspicuously displayed on logs or rocks where squirrels have cleaned the nuts (removed the spiky involucres) before storing them. In Sm’algyax, the Ts’msyen language, the term for hazelnut, winneeym desx, literally means “food of the squirrel” (Turner 2014). Squirrels feature prominently in narratives about hazelnuts and are, to some degree, companion species, playing an important role in hazelnut life histories and influencing both the ancient and ongoing management of this native plant species. Hazelnut Distribution A disjunct or isolated population of hazelnut grows in northwestern BC that may be the result of ancient human translocation(s). A small but vigorous population of hazelnut grows along the Skeena and Kispiox Rivers (and some parts of the Nass and Cranberry Rivers) and in some areas, such as the town of Hazelton (named after its hazelnuts) it is the dominant understory (Johnson 2010). This northern population, however, is isolated from the larger range of the species in the south of the province (Fig. 4). The rare occurrence of hazelnut in the north western quadrant of the province could be the result of: 1) a remnant population from a previously larger range that was disrupted by geological events such as receding glaciers, 2) dispersal by animals, such as squirrels, or 3) anthropogenic activity, where Indigenous peoples transplanted nuts, roots, or cuttings from somewhere in the species’ original range to a site or sites along the Skeena and Kispiox Rivers (see Turner and Peacock 2005). Open image in new windowFig. 4 Fig. 4 Marion peeling the dried involucres (green husk-like coats) off of hazelnuts picked near her home in Hope, BC. The involucres are modified leaves that protect the nut with their abrasive hairs that can cause a mild irritation. Marion demonstrates how to pick the fringed edges to expose the nut without damaging her hands. Photo: Chelsey Geralda Armstrong Widespread trade networks and evidence of transplanting and translocating have been extensively documented among Indigenous peoples in British Columbia (Turner and Loewen 1998; Turner et al. 2013). Additionally, linguistic evidence may support the translocation hypothesis. Names, referents, and translations of hazelnut have been compiled for over 25 languages and dialects in British Columbia (Kuipers 2002; Turner 2014). In the northern “disjunct” region, the Gitxsan words: sgan-ts’ak (upriver dialect) and sgan-ts’ek’ (downriver dialect) are of particular interest; the morpheme sgan refers to any woody plant while the root morpheme ts’ak’ or ts’ek’ refers explicitly to hazelnut. The Nisga’a (closely related to Gitxsan) name for hazelnut is also related: ts’ak’a tyaýtkw or ts’ak’a ts’inhlik (translated as “dish of thunder” or “dish of squirrel”, but with an obvious correspondence between the first part of the name and the Gitxsan). The root morpheme in both cases is similar to the Proto-Salish (southern BC) word for hazelnut: s-ts’ik’, or sts’ik (Kuipers 2002). The impossibility of ts’ak’/ts’ek’ and s-ts’ik’ and s-ts’ik to be cognates with this term (because they are in entirely separate language families) suggests the Gitxsan and Nisga’a terms are likely loan words from a Salishan language or possibly even from Proto-Salish, the ancestral Salish language. That is, the word was probably borrowed and, evidently, so was the nut itself. The actual origin is complicated by the fact that in various other Salishan languages, variants of this term are applied to whitebark pine (Pinus albicaulis Engelm.), a tree also with edible “nuts” or seeds, and is also sometimes cross-referenced to “squirrel” (e.g., Stl’atl’imx (Fraser River): s-ts’ə́k’ (seeds) (general for any conifer seed, but specific to this species); Nlaka’pamux: sts’ə́k’ (seeds; also pine seeds, sunflower seeds, beans in gen.; see Proto-Salish, above); and Secwepemc: stsek’ (seeds); stsek’éłp (W) (tree) (cf. estsek’ ‘squirrel’ + −ełp ‘plant’) (Turner 2014). Although s-ts’ik’ or sts’ik is recorded as a Proto-Salish word, suggesting the transplanting event would have occurred in the deeper past (3000–5000 BP), some nations, such as the Sḵwx̱wú7mesh Úxwumixw (Squamish Nation) still use the term today to refer to any nut. Although there are possible geological and zoological explanations for the existence of hazelnut populations in northwest BC, our ongoing research, including a study of hazelnut population genetics, archaeological surveys, and paleoecological studies, allows for a better understanding of the historical ecology of this important plant. Increasingly, scientists are realizing that few, if any ecosystems on earth are untouched by humans (Armstrong et al. 2017; Balée 2006, 2013). The “pristine myth” (Denevan 1992, Denevan 2011) that has governed Western notions of “wild” and “empty” spaces in BC and elsewhere is starting to fade from popular or scientific discourse. As we discuss below, the importance of hazelnut among Indigenous peoples in BC, its presence in and around archaeological sites (Armstrong 2016; Lepofsky et al. 2017), and the growing evidence supporting ancient anthropogenic management like transplanting, suggest that hazelnut was culturally influenced in at least some areas of the province before colonial-settlers arrived. Tending Hazelnuts The Nlaka’pamux homeland of Marion’s people is an ecological mosaic; steep mountain slopes rise from the south Fraser River Valley covered in rich forests of aspen, birch, Douglas-fir, lodgepole pine, western redcedar, Engelmann spruce, and subalpine fir (Turner et al. 1990). Upriver, around Spence’s Bridge BC, the forests are replaced by a vast grassland steppe of wispy mixed sagebrush and bunchgrasses. To the east, the Thompson River harbours woodlands of ponderosa pine, black cottonwood, and Rocky Mountain juniper. The Nlaka’pamux (literally “people passing through a narrow place, a canyon”) harvested over 120 species of plants for food, medicines, tonics, rituals, and building technologies (Turner et al. 1990), and they cared for and managed their diverse homeland in a variety of ways. Iterations of the term “management” such as stewardship, tending, caring for, co-management, and even co-evolution have been used to highlight practices that are legitimized by social norms to guide a system towards achieving desired goals and objectives (Anderson 2005; Anderson 2016; Lertzman 2009; Natcher et al. 2005). Whichever iteration is preferred, Nlaka’pamux peoples actively engaged in maintaining and increasing valued plant resources in their territories. Marion’s name, Wal’ceckwu, translates literally to “like a trembling aspen” but is more accurately translated (to a person’s name) to mean, “busy looking after things and to harvest things to save for others.” By now, many anthropologists are aware that, while Indigenous peoples in northwest North America did not practice a traditional Eurasian style of agriculture (planting large plots of annual grasses and vegetables), they were in fact tending or cultivating entire landscapes for large scale food production (Anderson 2005; Deur 2002; Deur and Turner 2005). Marion’s ancestors tended fruit trees like Pacific crabapple (Malus fusca) and Saskatoon berry (Amalanchier alnifolia), berry bushes, and starchy root plants (Turner 2005). They also burned landscapes to create multiple successional habitats (Johnson 2010; Turner 1999), and managed plants in a multitude of other ways to increase access to and the production of economically important parts (Turner et al. 2013; Turner 2014). Bitteroot (Lewisia rediviva, spítl’m or łkw’ə́pn) for example, was a staple root crop for many people in the Interior Plateau region of BC and was selectively harvested and transplanted to extend its range and access (Bandringa 1999; Turner 2005; Wilson et al. 1988). Vegetable crops are famously treasured by Indigenous peoples in the Pacific Northwest and include of a host of locally managed species favoured for their rhizomes, tubers, corms, bulbs, and roots. The Nlaka’pamux managed vegetable crops of desert lily (Calochortus macrocarpus; məqʔ-úʔseʔ), desert parsley (Lomatium macrocarpum, qw’əqw’íle), balsamroot (Balsamorizha sagittata, sníłqn), glacier lily (Erythronium grandiflorum, sk’ém’ets), spring beauty (Claytonia lanceolata, tətúwn’), and bracken fern (Pteridium aquilinum, séʔaq). Although these plants did not undergo full-blown domestication with associated genetic alterations, their populations are presumably not entirely wild either, having had their natural reproductive strategies and life histories interrupted by intentional human activity. Worldwide, there are a variety of such plants, used for food, textiles, building materials, and medicine that were tended or cultivated without undergoing full domestication (Denevan 1992). These plants are used and typically managed, but for one reason or another, are not classified as domesticates — likely because they have not sufficiently evolved from their wild progenitors. Although there are different cultivars of C. avellana, many nut-bearing trees and shrubs are classic examples of this “not wild” yet “not domesticated” area (Harris 1977). Nuts have been widely procured by so-called hunter-gatherers around the world for millennia. Many nuts tend to be emphasised as staple foods because of their predictable yield with high caloric value. In California and Oregon, acorns (Quercus spp. and related species such as Lithocarpus sp.) were harvested and processed in massive quantities; thousands have been excavated from leeching pits along the Columbia River (Croes et al. 2009). In the Eastern Woodlands, hickory, pecan, butternut (Carya spp.), walnut (Juglans nigra), chestnut (Castanea dentata), and beechnut (Fagus grandifolia) were dominant tree species and in many cases the nuts were dietary staples (Yarnell and Black 1985), but their heavy exploitation did not lead to domestication. Harris (1977) argues that the physiological characteristics of nut taxa preclude them from the typical pathways toward domestication. For one, nut-bearing trees are slow to mature to the point of production, and second, they have fewer reproductive barriers and can cross-pollinate, often eliminating isolation, a key factor in plant domestication, which ensures selected traits are not dulled by introgression (hybridizing with parent species) (Larson et al. 2014; Zeder 2015). While the native BC hazelnut is not a “true” nut (the nut is a fruit), it shares many similar characteristics with the above-mentioned species. Beaked hazelnut may not have undergone domestication in the classic sense, but it was actively transplanted and managed. Marion notes: “Around the home [Spuzzum, in the Fraser Canyon] …you take them and you plant them in a different spot. You don’t have to plant them in rows or anything, just plant them so that they’re all together, so when you go out to harvest them, they’re all in one spot… Oh yeah in the fall-time that was my job with my uncle. He dug the holes and I’d pull the little plants and we put them in there and buried them. In the fall time it gets a lot of rain, so they would relax and grow. And it takes maybe 2–3 years to where there’s lots of nuts on them but, I mean they do… my uncle used to dig the roots and cut…there’s a red piece in there about this big [~10 cm] and he would cut them off and that was the… When that thing gets too long it stops producing. But he used to do it every two years. He would dig them up and chop that little, I don’t know, the tree keeps growing but it stops producing the nuts so we used to chop them off. When we dig them up when they’re small, you see that little white thing there, you have to pull them off.” Marion’s experiences transplanting and coppicing hazelnut are echoed by the memories of her late cousin, Annie York, who recounted the importance of burning to increase nut production: “They come down here for it. And then they [were] always burning them. . . those bushes, here and there, but not all of them, and that's what makes them grow and makes them plentiful." (Turner et al. 1990:190–191) Hazelnut productivity increases in the presence of fire (Mackinnon et al. 2004). Even in places where it has not been intentionally burned or transplanted, hazelnut occurs successively after fires and is an indicator species of fire according to forest ecologists in British Columbia and Washington State (Boyd 1999). Some Indigenous peoples in California cared for hazelnut shrubs or “flats” by using fire to encourage the growth of young shoots. Fire induced the sprouting of straight young shoots preferred in weaving and building implements (Anderson 2005). Broadcast burning was undertaken in the late summer or early fall among Yurok people, and while point burning at low elevations seems to have been common in Nlaka’pamux territory (Boyd 1999; Kuhnlein and Turner 1991), Karuk people would burn “entire hillsides” (Anderson 2005:172). Boyd (1999) notes hazelnut burning by Kalapuya people in the Willamette Valley in associated Garry oak ecosystems, and Johnson (1999, see also Trusler and Johnson 2008) recorded hazelnut burning in Gitxsan territory by various Elders before it was outlawed by the Canadian government in the early twentieth century. Since burning has ceased in many regions (often forcefully by law), some Elders notice that hazelnut has stopped producing and “nothing is any good anymore” ([Schenck and Gifford 1952:382] in Anderson 2005:172). In BC, hazelnut is known to associate with Pacific crabapple (Malus fusca Raf.). Ts’msyen community members often say that wherever there are crabapple trees or hazelnut trees, there is a village. These plants are often indicators of village sites and have been found together elsewhere on the coast (McDonald 2005). At archaeological sites in the Lower Mainland near the city of Vancouver (Tsleil-Waututh territory), on the Harrison river (Sts’ailes territory), Skeena River (Ts’msyen territory), and Nass River (Nisga’a and Gitxsan territory), hazelnut and crabapple grow side-by-side, along with many other important food and medicinal species, collectively known as “forest gardens” (Armstrong 2016, 2017; Lepofsky et al. 2017). Marion remembers transplanting and harvesting supposedly “wild” crabapple and hazelnut as companion plants in orchard-like settings near their home: “We just cut the hazelnut, we take the little ones and we pick all the little bushes of trees…more like we do with apples and everything else. You know, you transplant them. That’s what we did with them. We had our own little nut farm.” Around the world, hazelnut has been harvested and managed in similar ways. Old Irish folktales recall the deiri dun or “dark oak woods” where people lived on acorns and hazelnuts. Anderson (2016) notes that harvesting of wild hazelnuts in early Gaelic Ireland graded into management through practices like coppicing. Hazelnut was an especially prominent plant in old Celtic poems, revered as a “model of loveliness,” as an important food and even worshipped in religious contexts (Anderson 2016:142). At the archaeological site of Staosnaig on the Isle of Colonsay in Western Scotland (9000 BP), thousands of hazelnuts were excavated and interpreted as a mass hazelnut-processing site and not simply as the remains of an opportunistic picking event (Mithen et al. 2001). Evidently there are a number of reasons for managing hazelnut in British Columbia; it is one of the few nut-like species in the province, it is easily procured and stored, and it is highly valued not only for food, but also for medicine, fuel, building implements, weaving materials, and much more. Hazelnuts as Food Hazelnuts are a high source of protein and are rich in unsaturated fats. They are a significant source of thiamine and vitamin B6 and other B vitamins (Kuhnlein and Turner 1991). They can be eaten raw and stored for years without spoiling. Like Marion, Gitxsan Elders in northern BC remember hazelnut as a Christmas food, no doubt because nuts would keep for months when fresh food was scarce. Nuts were collected en masse and either left to dry as is (involucres can rot off the shells without turning the nut) or de-husked and processed all at once. Wintu people in California used willow switches to beat the involucres off the kernel (Anderson 2005). Marion recalls the hard work involved in collecting and processing nuts: “When they’re ready, we pick a whole bunch of them and we’d put them in a basket or a box or whatever we had. And we get them dry. And we would sit there for days, and days, and days, cause we used to have bags and boxes and baskets of them, and then one day when its raining or snowing outside, I had my own little hammer and I’d sit there and break them, pick shells off them, and put them in the thing [a storage basket] and then my grandmother would prepare them… but it took days and days and days to pick them, never mind opening them and days and days to preserve them [when made into an oil], but then we could use them as we want to.” Hazelnut was especially valued for its oil (it is sold today for culinary and medicinal purposes). Hazelnut oil is high in oleic acid, a mono-unsaturated fat thought to help lower cholesterol and reduce blood pressure. Marion remembers her grandmother using it for cooking and it was mixed with bear grease for storing dried berries and other plant foods. Rendering the nuts and shells to oil is an additional and effective means of preserving and storing foods. Marion recalls: “My grandmother, she’d take them, she’d put them in the pan, she’d put them on the stove again, so they were dry… then the next morning she got a cotton cloth… plastic was a hard thing to find in those days. But there was that saran wrap that something came in that saran wrap and she always saved that saran wrap. I wondered why she saved it. She put the nuts in there, put the cotton cloth over it, got my little hammer little mallet, and then I had to sit there and smash these….smash these things in a pan making sure that none of the oil is going to disappear. And then she’d take that oil and she would put it into that cotton cloth, she’d gather it up and then she’d hang it up and then she’d squeeze it. And all the oil would drip into this little container. Well, you don’t get very much oil out of all the nuts, but we got a lot out of it…and then she’d take that oil and she would take a teaspoon and put it in this little pot and put another spoonful in [another pot] this and another one here…she had different things she used the oil for, as medicine and food.” Hazelnuts were valued for their versatile nature, they could be eaten raw, stored, or cooked (Turner et al. 1990). Nlaka’pamux ethnographer James Teit ([1900] 1975:233) recorded instances of hazelnut trade among Nlaka’pamux people; nuts were exchanged between the Upper and Lower Nlaka’pamux for dried roots and other plant foods. Hazelnuts were also extensively traded along the Klikitat trail in south-central Washington, a widespread trail network that connected people from multiple bioregions to trade from diverse resource bases (Norton et al. 1999). The nuts were also a healthy snack. If one was out hunting for long stretches, a few hazelnuts could easily restore energy: “My grandmother, she made me a necklace out of hazelnuts on a thread, she’d get them in halves, you know how they go into halves? And she would put them right around my neck. And you know, if I wanted to eat it like you do those candy [necklaces], I would. She would do that so I would have a snack anytime. I used to snack on hazelnuts…so I grew up on hazelnuts.” Marion’s memories of hazelnuts as a snack, a food store, and a source of oil are testament to the versatility of this important plant. One could easily imagine how such a nurturing and tasty food could re-emerge in communities today. Hazelnut as Medicine Nut-like plants are predominately thought of as a food source. However, the arrangements of natural fats and vitamins offered by hazelnuts have many medicinal benefits. Marion remembers hazelnut first and foremost as a medicine: “We used it for colds, ear infections, open cuts, diaper rash, and when you have brown spots on your face, like some people get from sun, use hazelnut oil on it and it takes it off, and if your hair drops out too…” The medicinal oil is rendered much like it is for food. When it was processed, half would be stored for food and the other half for medicine. Marion recalls her grandmother mixing the hazelnut oil with bear grease for hair and skin treatments. Because of the high vitamin E content, hazelnut oil is slow to go rancid and was used to protect hair and reduce sunspots. According to Marion, her great uncle maintained his jet-black hair well into his senior years by periodically applying a healthy coat of hazelnut oil. The oil also has astringent actions to reduce face blemishes and over-active oil glands, and antibacterial components can fight skin bacteria. At farmer’s markets in north-western British Columbia (Smithers and Terrace), vendors sell hazelnut oil and claim it is the best topical treatment of eczema. Nesom (2006) reports that the milk from the nuts had medicinal properties and was used as an astringent for cuts as well as curing colds and coughs. Yurok people in California pounded hazelnut kernels into a flour and added warm water to feed to persons with sick or weak stomachs (Anderson 2005; Thompson 1916:31). Marion remembers, “When my auntie was sick [with pneumonia] my grandmother always got the hazelnut oil and squeezed it into a spoon and would give her a bit of it. It would stop her cough for a while.” There are also health benefits from direct nut consumption. In a study on most commercially consumed nuts worldwide, hazelnut had the third highest value of total antioxidant activity per serving (after pecan and walnut), and thus a rich form of natural antioxidant supplementation (Alasalvar and Shahidi 2008; Atlun et al. 2011). The nuts provide dietary fiber, are low in saturated fat and cholesterol, and according to the United States Food and Drug Administration, eating 1.5 oz of hazelnuts per day may reduce the risk of heart disease and blood clotting (HMB 2016). Hazelnut (Corylus arellana L.) leaf tissues and shells also contain paclitaxel and other taxanes in the same ratio as found in the bark of some yew (Taxus spp.) species and used in the treatment of various cancers (Alasalvar and Shahidi 2008; Hoffman and Shahidi 2009). Given the ability of hazelnut to grow faster and more widespread than yew trees, they are being considered as a more available and renewable source of taxanes (Hoffman and Shahidi 2009). Hazelnut in Technology Hazelnut is a fine grain hardwood with young pliable shoots whose elasticity increases after soaking, as it can be stiff and difficult to bend at maturity. At both stages the wood is very light, suitable for weaving and sculpting or used for larger building implements. Today, the wood is commonly used for woven wattle fencing, basket-making, and personal artisan projects like boat-building, walking sticks, or wicker chair crafting, and it is used commercially as a colourful and highly-figured wood species. Wood analysis from Viking settlements on the Faroe Islands (AD 770–1015) report hazelnut wood as an important building material for houses and various utensils (Malmros 1994). In the Pacific Northwest, hazelnut wood was an important material as well. Pomo and Ohlone peoples in California, and Gitxsan Sim’oogit (Chief) T’enim Gyet in northern BC preferred young hazelnut shoots for arrows because of their “bendy strength.” Marion recalls her uncle fashioning his “light” snowshoes from hazelnut wood, a use also noted in Anderson’s (2005) observations among Karuk people who used three-year-old hazelnut wood (one-half inch diameter) to make the circular frame for their snowshoes. In California and Oregon hazelnut was preferred primarily as basketry material (Anderson 2005; Boyd 1999). The young straight shoots that sprout after fire are used for weaving cradle boards and carrying baskets, they were also twisted into rope for fish traps and surf fish baskets (Anderson 2005). Hazelnut shoots were also used by other Indigenous peoples in Canada for matting, edging birch bark baskets (Nesom 2006), seat cushions, sleeping bed mats, and mats for cleaning salmon on (Turner 1998:157–186). Other technologies include the use of the hazelnut root by Nlaka’pamux people to produce a blue dye (Turner et al. 1990) and the use of its shells for fuel. Oily pericarps were thrown into hearths to keep fires burning (perhaps this is why they are found archaeologically around hearths). The shells and involucres were also used as a kind of pesticide. Marion notes: “Yeah you just take them, and wait till you get a bunch done, until you get a box full of them…then you just crack them and open them up and take the shells out and keep them separate. Then the shells – my grandmother used them for snails…she’d put the shells under the plants so the snails don’t go on them.” On a sojourn through the Mount Revelstoke National Park, a German hiker called hazelnut “the Swiss Army knife of the plant world” (Armstrong, personal communication 2015). Her observation was astute; there are dozens of uses and cultural associations for hazelnut. Used as food, medicine, cosmetic, or building technology, hazelnut grows throughout many areas of British Columbia and has contributed to the sustenance and resilience of Indigenous peoples for millennia. Conclusion: An Alternative Pathway The goal of this study is not to espouse an idea that Indigenous peoples in British Columbia lived in perfect harmony with their environment; we accept that different human activities have varying degrees of ecological impacts. However, hazelnut management, either transplanting or planned burning, had low ecological impacts and high cultural value. The combination of these two realities supports the reinstitution of traditional hazelnut management in Indigenous BC. The gathering of traditional plants can be a foundation of identity, contribute to healthier diets, land-based sovereignty, and can have positive ecological impacts (Anderson 2005; Kuhnlein and Turner 1991). Cultural revitalization camps (“culture camps”) in Gitxsan territory like Madii Lii, Tam Giist, and Ts’eliksit Immersion camps, are aimed at teaching children the traditional, respectful ways of harvesting and processing plant foods and medicines (including hazelnut) for their families. Resistance camps and checkpoints like Unist’ot’en (Wet’suwet’en) and Madii Lii (Gitxsan) are growing their own food and building large permaculture systems that encourage native plant species. Hazelnut is but one plant in the composite of traditional Nlaka’pamux and other Indigenous peoples’ landscapes. But Marion’s memories, the historical ecology, archaeology, and ethnohistory, and the many-shared stories of this important species bear special attention. Nlaka’pamux territory was once one of the most biodiverse cultural landscapes in BC that sustained its inhabitants, but is now, due to overgrazing, soil compaction, and other processes, heading to desertification. On top of its cultural worth, native hazelnut could be used to help manage some areas of the Fraser Canyon where managers are dealing with complex decisions regarding restoration ecology and conservation (see Garibaldi and Turner 2004). Hazelnut has been used in ecological restoration (O’Dell and Argen 2013) as it can provide ecological functions like slope stabilization and in some areas is well-adapted to dry, water-poor environments. Globally, the USA is the third biggest producer of Corylus avellana, whose commercial production is concentrated in the Willamette Valley (Hazelnut Marketing Board 2004). The Eastern Filbert Blight (EFB) devastated the hazelnut industry there and entered British Columbia sometime around 2003.The disease is caused by the fungus Anisogramma anomala (Peck) and often leads to hazelnut death within 5–12 years (Sathuvalli et al. 2011). The fungus attacks the Corylus genus broadly but the native Corylus cornuta in the Pacific Northwest carries blight-resistant genes. Breeding programs targeting the blight resistant gene in laboratory and field settings are ongoing at the University of Minnesota and University of Oregon, Corvallis. However, in true permaculture spirit, growing native hazelnut (if not growing it for commercial production) is preferred as it has lower ecological impacts and in many areas is already locally adapted to soil and climate. Grown responsibly, hazelnuts are a high-value, low input crop ideal for British Columbia (O’Dell and Argen 2013). The pathways to food sovereignty, eco-cultural health, and restoration are many. The stories re-emerging — from Marion’s memories, from archaeology, historical ecology, and from many other shared stories — will help inform and restore a future that is culturally informed, ecologically resilient, and socially just. Footnotes 1. Some professional archaeologists in BC have not collected hazelnut shells from their excavations because they assumed the shells were from modern hazelnut stands (Armstrong, personal communication). Notes Acknowledgements We dedicate this research to Nlaka’pamux youth who work hard to continue in the teachings of their Elders. We are eternally grateful to, and acknowledge Marion’s grandparents, her teachers, Nlaka’pamux people, and especially John Haugen. We are also grateful to the many Elders who shared their knowledge and love of hazelnut: Darlene Vegh, Art Matthews, and the late Annie York. We would also like to acknowledge Natasha Lyons, Ian Cameron, Nick Waber, Dana Lepofsky, and Leslie Main Johnson who helped with preparation of the manuscript. Finally, thank you to the two anonymous reviewers who provided helpful feedback on the manuscript. 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