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Monday, 4 May 2015

Latent and manifest empiricism in Q'eqchi' Maya healing: A case study of HIV/AIDS

Volume 126, February 2015, Pages 9–16

Latent and manifest empiricism in Q'eqchi' Maya healing: A case study of HIV/AIDS


Highlights

Develops a framework for understanding the empirical nature of Indigenous healing.
Argues for compatibility of traditional medicine and biomedicine.
Presents ethnographic case study of treatment of HIV/AIDS by Q'eqchi' Maya healers.
Argues the need for communication between traditional medicine and biomedicine.

Abstract

This paper presents a case study of the traditional treatment of a Q'eqchi' Maya man in southern Belize in 2011 who is suffering from AIDS-related sickness. The purpose is to detail the empirical nature of Q'eqchi' Maya medicine, distinguishing between manifest and latent empiricism, as evidenced in the healers evolving attempts to treat the patient in the absence of knowledge of his biomedical diagnosis. The paper argues for a more complete understanding of the empirical nature of much Indigenous healing, which parallels aspects of scientific medicine, and for better collaboration among traditional healers and biomedical practitioners in strongly Indigenous areas.

Keywords

  • Belize;
  • Maya;
  • Indigenous healing;
  • HIV/AIDS;
  • Biomedicine;
  • Collaboration
The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate, via a case study of a Q'eqchi' Maya patient in the Toledo District of Belize, how a traditional healing system is empirically invoked when a problem is encountered that confounds existing knowledge, in this case in the treatment of a patient already under the care of the biomedical system for HIV/AIDS-related medical problems but whose diagnosis is not initially revealed to the healers who treat him. The case provides an opportunity to see a traditional medical system “at work,” so to speak, as it confronts the challenges of serial- and co-morbidity that do not fit neatly into the existing nosology and broader medical epistemology. A concurrent goal of the article is to demonstrate the need for dialogue between traditional and biomedical systems, a search for areas of compatibility, and greater efforts expended toward collaboration in the treatment of specific medical problems.

1. Latent and manifest empiricism

“Empiricism” is a general term that refers, broadly, to the accumulation of knowledge through experience and observation (Lett, 1997). Here we refine the notion of empiricism as it exists within traditional medical systems as well as within biomedicine, by distinguishing between “latent” and “manifest” empiricism. We take “latent” empiricism to refer to the existing, collectively-held medical knowledge pertaining to diagnoses or treatment, and the standard against which clinical efficacy is judged. In biomedical terms, this is characterized by both scientifically-derived “textbook” knowledge learned by clinicians in formal educational settings and the knowledge previously accumulated through experience with specific medical cases. It is knowledge that can be consciously recalled and explicated, as in the traditional use of a specific plant or medicine, or a diagnostic procedure. It is also the “tacit” knowledge at embodied, non-conscious levels that forms the “background” of a practice or activity (Heidegger, 1996 and Polanyi, 1966). Latent empiricism is the collection of professional or procedural knowledge that, after sufficient practice, experts possess. It provides the form, model or “paradigm” through which and by which a particular case is observed, “the entire constellation of beliefs, values, techniques, and so on shared by the members of a given community” (Kuhn, 1970, p. 175), in this case, the healing fraternity.
Latent empiricism can be couched in the language of “tradition.” But while an appeal to tradition may represent a default to a more-or-less fixed body of knowledge, as is the case with Traditional Chinese Medicine (Quah, 2003)—which has parallels with biomedicine's textbook knowledge—for the most part this represents evolving knowledge handed down, often orally, from healer to apprentice, from generation to generation. Craig (2012) quotes a Tibetan traditional doctor who aptly describes this process: “In our tradition, discoveries have been made based on individual experience and what we might call qualitative methods, rather than methods that can be reproduced in the same way in different environments,” as is the goal of science (p. 92). In both biomedicine and traditional medicine, latent empiricism refers to the knowledge, whatever its source and however transmitted, that provides the lens through which the clinician approaches a specific case, knowledge which is accepted as accurate and trustworthy because of its time-testedness even where the origin of the knowledge is unknown to the practitioner (Kirmayer, 2004). In this sense, biomedicine and those systems often characterized as “traditional” are both “traditional” knowledge systems. The accumulation of latent empirical knowledge, like Kuhn's (1970) notion of “paradigm,” is the “prerequisite to perception itself” (p. 113): it informs the clinician what the problem “sounds like,” or “looks like” as they commence their clinical investigation.
Manifest empiricism, in turn, refers to the application of this generalized latent knowledge to particular cases, how this knowledge is tested against the case and challenged for its accuracy and effectiveness, with diagnosis and treatment adjusted accordingly in an effort to cure the patient or achieve some other standard of efficacy (Waldram, 2000 and Waldram, 2013). Manifest empiricism as praxis is most visible, then, in the clinical treatment of patients. As latent empiricism is closely involved with processes of perception, manifest empiricism is closely involved with the processes of interpretation. Manifest empiricism is the point at which a specific medical sign or symptom is observed and where the hermeneutical decisions are made in clinical time regarding their significance. From a narrative perspective then, manifest empiricism is about “therapeutic emplotment” (Mattingly, 1994), the process of “reading” clinical signs and determining the most appropriate treatment regimen to follow, which is based on or informed by the accumulated knowledge of prior cases, i.e., latent empiricism.
Neither form of empiricism is, strictly speaking, “science.” They highlight the art of clinical decision-making that is therapeutically pragmatic ( Barnes, 2005, Quah, 2003 and Waldram, 2015), a “practical reasoning [which] seeks the best answers possible under the circumstances … enables the reasoner to distinguish, in a given situation, the better choice from the worse … [and] is inescapably particular and interpretable” ( Montgomery, 2006, p. 43–44). Arguing that Indigenous or traditional approaches to medicine or healing are “scientific” represents a conflation of ideas of empiricism with ideas of structured, purposeful and controlled inquiry that represents science, and misses the nuances by which traditional knowledge is collected through both processes of gnosis – the collection of knowledge through spiritual means – and those of practical engagement with the material world ( Bates, 1995). What we demonstrate in this article is how Q'eqchi' Maya healers approach particular cases through both forms of empiricism, and constructively employ gnostic and material evidence as they do so.
Our intent is to offset common notions that “traditional” or Indigenous forms of medicine, because they are not scientifically-based, are little more than the rote application of what we are calling latent empiricism at best, and primitive or magical thinking at worst, and therefore incompatible with biomedicine. The ubiquitous references to “beliefs” rather than “knowledge,” with liberal references to “folk” medicine, that have characterized medical anthropology's engagement with non-western medical systems have created a deep-seated bias in how these systems are best understood (Foster and Anderson, 1978 and Good, 1994). Young's (1979) caution that traditional medical practices may exist not because they are effective but simply because there is no better option, or Kirmayer's (2004) notion that traditional practices characterized as “healing” are primarily symbolic and metaphoric, and endure primarily because of dissatisfaction with biomedicine rather than patient confidence in efficacy, need to be balanced by deeper examinations of the empirical and medical basis of much “traditional” healing. Manifest empiricism particularizes and problematizes the clinical case, and we argue this is inherent in Q'eqchi' Maya clinical treatment.